| Topic: |
Science > Abortion |
| User: |
"james g. keegan jr." |
| Date: |
04 Jul 2007 04:22:22 PM |
| Object: |
Olbermann: Bush, Cheney Should Resign |
Olbermann: Bush, Cheney Should Resign
By Keith Olbermann
MSNBC Countdown
Tuesday 03 July 2007
'I didn't vote for him, but he's my president, and I hope he does
a good job.'
"I didn't vote for him," an American once said, "But he's my
president, and I hope he does a good job."
That - on this eve of the 4th of July - is the essence of this
democracy, in 17 words. And that is what President Bush threw away
yesterday in commuting the sentence of Lewis "Scooter" Libby.
The man who said those 17 words - improbably enough - was the
actor John Wayne. And Wayne, an ultra-conservative, said them, when
he learned of the hair's-breadth election of John F. Kennedy instead
of his personal favorite, Richard Nixon in 1960.
"I didn't vote for him but he's my president, and I hope he does
a good job."
The sentiment was doubtlessly expressed earlier, but there is
something especially appropriate about hearing it, now, in Wayne's
voice: The crisp matter-of-fact acknowledgement that we have
survived, even though for nearly two centuries now, our
Commander-in-Chief has also served, simultaneously, as the head of
one political party and often the scourge of all others.
We as citizens must, at some point, ignore a president's
partisanship. Not that we may prosper as a nation, not that we may
achieve, not that we may lead the world - but merely that we may
function.
But just as essential to the seventeen words of John Wayne, is an
implicit trust - a sacred trust: That the president for whom so many
did not vote, can in turn suspend his political self long enough, and
for matters imperative enough, to conduct himself solely for the
benefit of the entire Republic.
Our generation's willingness to state "we didn't vote for him,
but he's our president, and we hope he does a good job," was tested
in the crucible of history, and earlier than most.
And in circumstances more tragic and threatening. And we did that
with which history tasked us.
We enveloped our President in 2001.And those who did not believe
he should have been elected - indeed those who did not believe he had
been elected - willingly lowered their voices and assented to the
sacred oath of non-partisanship.
And George W. Bush took our assent, and re-configured it, and
honed it, and shaped it to a razor-sharp point and stabbed this
nation in the back with it.
Were there any remaining lingering doubt otherwise, or any
remaining lingering hope, it ended yesterday when Mr. Bush commuted
the prison sentence of one of his own staffers.
Did so even before the appeals process was complete; did so
without as much as a courtesy consultation with the Department of
Justice; did so despite what James Madison - at the Constitutional
Convention - said about impeaching any president who pardoned or
sheltered those who had committed crimes "advised by" that president;
did so without the slightest concern that even the most detached of
citizens must look at the chain of events and wonder: To what degree
was Mr. Libby told: break the law however you wish - the President
will keep you out of prison?
In that moment, Mr. Bush, you broke that fundamental com-pact
between yourself and the majority of this nation's citizens - the
ones who did not cast votes for you. In that moment, Mr. Bush, you
ceased to be the President of the United States. In that moment, Mr.
Bush, you became merely the President of a rabid and irresponsible
corner of the Republican Party. And this is too important a time,
Sir, to have a commander-in-chief who puts party over nation.
This has been, of course, the gathering legacy of this
Administration. Few of its decisions have escaped the stain of
politics. The extraordinary Karl Rove has spoken of "a permanent
Republican majority," as if such a thing - or a permanent Democratic
majority - is not antithetical to that upon which rests: our country,
our history, our revolution, our freedoms.
Yet our Democracy has survived shrewder men than Karl Rove. And
it has survived the frequent stain of politics upon the fabric of
government. But this administration, with ever-increasing insistence
and almost theocratic zealotry, has turned that stain into a massive
oil spill.
The protection of the environment is turned over to those of one
political party, who will financially benefit from the rape of the
environment. The protections of the Constitution are turned over to
those of one political party, who believe those protections
unnecessary and extravagant and quaint.
The enforcement of the laws is turned over to those of one
political party, who will swear beforehand that they will not enforce
those laws. The choice between war and peace is turned over to those
of one political party, who stand to gain vast wealth by ensuring
that there is never peace, but only war.
And now, when just one cooked book gets corrected by an honest
auditor, when just one trampling of the inherent and inviolable
fairness of government is rejected by an impartial judge, when just
one wild-eyed partisan is stopped by the figure of blind justice,
this President decides that he, and not the law, must prevail.
I accuse you, Mr. Bush, of lying this country into war.
I accuse you of fabricating in the minds of your own people, a
false implied link between Saddam Hussein and 9/11.
I accuse you of firing the generals who told you that the plans
for Iraq were disastrously insufficient.
I accuse you of causing in Iraq the needless deaths of 3,586 of
our brothers and sons, and sisters and daughters, and friends and
neighbors.
I accuse you of subverting the Constitution, not in some
misguided but sincerely-motivated struggle to combat terrorists, but
to stifle dissent.
I accuse you of fomenting fear among your own people, of creating
the very terror you claim to have fought.
I accuse you of exploiting that unreasoning fear, the natural
fear of your own people who just want to live their lives in peace,
as a political tool to slander your critics and libel your opponents.
I accuse you of handing part of this Republic over to a Vice
President who is without conscience, and letting him run roughshod
over it.
And I accuse you now, Mr. Bush, of giving, through that Vice
President, carte blanche to Mr. Libby, to help defame Ambassador
Joseph Wilson by any means necessary, to lie to Grand Juries and
Special Counsel and before a court, in order to protect the
mechanisms and particulars of that defamation, with your guarantee
that Libby would never see prison, and, in so doing, as Ambassador
Wilson himself phrased it here last night, of becoming an accessory
to the obstruction of justice.
When President Nixon ordered the firing of the Watergate special
prosecutor Archibald Cox during the infamous "Saturday Night
Massacre" on October 20th, 1973, Cox initially responded tersely, and
ominously.
"Whether ours shall be a government of laws and not of men, is
now for Congress, and ultimately, the American people."
President Nixon did not understand how he had crystallized the
issue of Watergate for the American people.
It had been about the obscure meaning behind an attempt to break
in to a rival party's headquarters; and the labyrinthine effort to
cover-up that break-in and the related crimes.
And in one night, Nixon transformed it.
Watergate - instantaneously - became a simpler issue: a President
overruling the inexorable march of the law of insisting - in a way
that resonated viscerally with millions who had not previously
understood - that he was the law.
Not the Constitution. Not the Congress. Not the Courts. Just him.
Just - Mr. Bush - as you did, yesterday.
The twists and turns of Plame-Gate, of your precise and intricate
lies that sent us into this bottomless pit of Iraq; your lies upon
the lies to discredit Joe Wilson; your lies upon the lies upon the
lies to throw the sand at the "referee" of Prosecutor Fitzgerald's
analogy. These are complex and often painful to follow, and too much,
perhaps, for the average citizen.
But when other citizens render a verdict against your man, Mr.
Bush - and then you spit in the faces of those jurors and that judge
and the judges who were yet to hear the appeal - the average citizen
understands that, Sir.
It's the fixed ballgame and the rigged casino and the
pre-arranged lottery all rolled into one - and it stinks. And they
know it.
Nixon's mistake, the last and most fatal of them, the firing of
Archibald Cox, was enough to cost him the presidency. And in the end,
even Richard Nixon could say he could not put this nation through an
impeachment.
It was far too late for it to matter then, but as the decades
unfold, that single final gesture of non-partisanship, of
acknowledged responsibility not to self, not to party, not to "base,"
but to country, echoes loudly into history. Even Richard Nixon knew
it was time to resign
Would that you could say that, Mr. Bush. And that you could say
it for Mr. Cheney. You both crossed the Rubicon yesterday. Which one
of you chose the route, no longer matters. Which is the
ventriloquist, and which the dummy, is irrelevant.
But that you have twisted the machinery of government into
nothing more than a tawdry machine of politics, is the only fact that
remains relevant.
It is nearly July 4th, Mr. Bush, the commemoration of the moment
we Americans decided that rather than live under a King who made up
the laws, or erased them, or ignored them - or commuted the sentences
of those rightly convicted under them - we would force our
independence, and regain our sacred freedoms.
We of this time - and our leaders in Congress, of both parties -
must now live up to those standards which echo through our history:
Pressure, negotiate, impeach - get you, Mr. Bush, and Mr. Cheney, two
men who are now perilous to our Democracy, away from its helm.
For you, Mr. Bush, and for Mr. Cheney, there is a lesser task.
You need merely achieve a very low threshold indeed. Display just
that iota of patriotism which Richard Nixon showed, on August 9th,
1974.
Resign.
And give us someone - anyone - about whom all of us might yet be
able to quote John Wayne, and say, "I didn't vote for him, but he's
my president, and I hope he does a good job."
http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/070407Y.shtml
--
get real. like jesus would ever own a gun or vote republican.
.
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| User: "" |
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| Title: Re: Olbermann: Bush, Cheney Should Resign |
05 Jul 2007 08:17:25 PM |
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"james g. keegan jr." <jgkeegan@gmail.com> wrote in
news:jgkeegan-90DEF3.17222204072007@individual.net:
Olbermann: Bush, Cheney Should Resign
By Keith Olbermann
MSNBC Countdown
One extremely tangential complaint about Olbermann: he makes a
great show out of ridiculing the moronic talking heads on other
networks with his "Worst Person in the World" segment...but
always remains silent about equally moronic talking heads on the
network he works for. I refer to Matthews and Carlsen
specifically. These two are as bad O'Rielly on his worst day.
And, damn, don't get me started on his "Oddball" crap. I turn the
sound off. I resent him making money off the stupidity of losers
who generally mean no one any harm.
Tuesday 03 July 2007
'I didn't vote for him, but he's my president, and I hope
he does
a good job.'
"I didn't vote for him," an American once said, "But he's
my
president, and I hope he does a good job."
That - on this eve of the 4th of July - is the essence of
this
democracy, in 17 words. And that is what President Bush threw
away yesterday in commuting the sentence of Lewis "Scooter"
Libby.
The man who said those 17 words - improbably enough - was
the
actor John Wayne. And Wayne, an ultra-conservative, said
them, when he learned of the hair's-breadth election of John
F. Kennedy instead of his personal favorite, Richard Nixon in
1960.
"I didn't vote for him but he's my president, and I hope
he does
a good job."
The sentiment was doubtlessly expressed earlier, but
there is
something especially appropriate about hearing it, now, in
Wayne's voice: The crisp matter-of-fact acknowledgement that
we have survived, even though for nearly two centuries now,
our Commander-in-Chief has also served, simultaneously, as
the head of one political party and often the scourge of all
others.
We as citizens must, at some point, ignore a president's
partisanship. Not that we may prosper as a nation, not that
we may achieve, not that we may lead the world - but merely
that we may function.
But just as essential to the seventeen words of John
Wayne, is an
implicit trust - a sacred trust: That the president for whom
so many did not vote, can in turn suspend his political self
long enough, and for matters imperative enough, to conduct
himself solely for the benefit of the entire Republic.
Our generation's willingness to state "we didn't vote for
him,
but he's our president, and we hope he does a good job," was
tested in the crucible of history, and earlier than most.
And in circumstances more tragic and threatening. And we
did that
with which history tasked us.
We enveloped our President in 2001.And those who did not
believe
he should have been elected - indeed those who did not
believe he had been elected - willingly lowered their voices
and assented to the sacred oath of non-partisanship.
And George W. Bush took our assent, and re-configured it,
and
honed it, and shaped it to a razor-sharp point and stabbed
this nation in the back with it.
Were there any remaining lingering doubt otherwise, or
any
remaining lingering hope, it ended yesterday when Mr. Bush
commuted the prison sentence of one of his own staffers.
Did so even before the appeals process was complete; did
so
without as much as a courtesy consultation with the
Department of Justice; did so despite what James Madison - at
the Constitutional Convention - said about impeaching any
president who pardoned or sheltered those who had committed
crimes "advised by" that president; did so without the
slightest concern that even the most detached of citizens
must look at the chain of events and wonder: To what degree
was Mr. Libby told: break the law however you wish - the
President will keep you out of prison?
In that moment, Mr. Bush, you broke that fundamental
com-pact
between yourself and the majority of this nation's citizens -
the ones who did not cast votes for you. In that moment, Mr.
Bush, you ceased to be the President of the United States. In
that moment, Mr. Bush, you became merely the President of a
rabid and irresponsible corner of the Republican Party. And
this is too important a time, Sir, to have a
commander-in-chief who puts party over nation.
This has been, of course, the gathering legacy of this
Administration. Few of its decisions have escaped the stain
of politics. The extraordinary Karl Rove has spoken of "a
permanent Republican majority," as if such a thing - or a
permanent Democratic majority - is not antithetical to that
upon which rests: our country, our history, our revolution,
our freedoms.
Yet our Democracy has survived shrewder men than Karl
Rove. And
it has survived the frequent stain of politics upon the
fabric of government. But this administration, with
ever-increasing insistence and almost theocratic zealotry,
has turned that stain into a massive oil spill.
The protection of the environment is turned over to those
of one
political party, who will financially benefit from the rape
of the environment. The protections of the Constitution are
turned over to those of one political party, who believe
those protections unnecessary and extravagant and quaint.
The enforcement of the laws is turned over to those of
one
political party, who will swear beforehand that they will not
enforce those laws. The choice between war and peace is
turned over to those of one political party, who stand to
gain vast wealth by ensuring that there is never peace, but
only war.
And now, when just one cooked book gets corrected by an
honest
auditor, when just one trampling of the inherent and
inviolable fairness of government is rejected by an impartial
judge, when just one wild-eyed partisan is stopped by the
figure of blind justice, this President decides that he, and
not the law, must prevail.
I accuse you, Mr. Bush, of lying this country into war.
I accuse you of fabricating in the minds of your own
people, a
false implied link between Saddam Hussein and 9/11.
I accuse you of firing the generals who told you that the
plans
for Iraq were disastrously insufficient.
I accuse you of causing in Iraq the needless deaths of
3,586 of
our brothers and sons, and sisters and daughters, and friends
and neighbors.
I accuse you of subverting the Constitution, not in some
misguided but sincerely-motivated struggle to combat
terrorists, but to stifle dissent.
I accuse you of fomenting fear among your own people, of
creating
the very terror you claim to have fought.
I accuse you of exploiting that unreasoning fear, the
natural
fear of your own people who just want to live their lives in
peace, as a political tool to slander your critics and libel
your opponents.
I accuse you of handing part of this Republic over to a
Vice
President who is without conscience, and letting him run
roughshod over it.
And I accuse you now, Mr. Bush, of giving, through that
Vice
President, carte blanche to Mr. Libby, to help defame
Ambassador Joseph Wilson by any means necessary, to lie to
Grand Juries and Special Counsel and before a court, in order
to protect the mechanisms and particulars of that defamation,
with your guarantee that Libby would never see prison, and,
in so doing, as Ambassador Wilson himself phrased it here
last night, of becoming an accessory to the obstruction of
justice.
When President Nixon ordered the firing of the Watergate
special
prosecutor Archibald Cox during the infamous "Saturday Night
Massacre" on October 20th, 1973, Cox initially responded
tersely, and ominously.
"Whether ours shall be a government of laws and not of
men, is
now for Congress, and ultimately, the American people."
President Nixon did not understand how he had
crystallized the
issue of Watergate for the American people.
It had been about the obscure meaning behind an attempt
to break
in to a rival party's headquarters; and the labyrinthine
effort to cover-up that break-in and the related crimes.
And in one night, Nixon transformed it.
Watergate - instantaneously - became a simpler issue: a
President
overruling the inexorable march of the law of insisting - in
a way that resonated viscerally with millions who had not
previously understood - that he was the law.
Not the Constitution. Not the Congress. Not the Courts.
Just him.
Just - Mr. Bush - as you did, yesterday.
The twists and turns of Plame-Gate, of your precise and
intricate
lies that sent us into this bottomless pit of Iraq; your lies
upon the lies to discredit Joe Wilson; your lies upon the
lies upon the lies to throw the sand at the "referee" of
Prosecutor Fitzgerald's analogy. These are complex and often
painful to follow, and too much, perhaps, for the average
citizen.
But when other citizens render a verdict against your
man, Mr.
Bush - and then you spit in the faces of those jurors and
that judge and the judges who were yet to hear the appeal -
the average citizen understands that, Sir.
It's the fixed ballgame and the rigged casino and the
pre-arranged lottery all rolled into one - and it stinks. And
they know it.
Nixon's mistake, the last and most fatal of them, the
firing of
Archibald Cox, was enough to cost him the presidency. And in
the end, even Richard Nixon could say he could not put this
nation through an impeachment.
It was far too late for it to matter then, but as the
decades
unfold, that single final gesture of non-partisanship, of
acknowledged responsibility not to self, not to party, not to
"base," but to country, echoes loudly into history. Even
Richard Nixon knew it was time to resign
Would that you could say that, Mr. Bush. And that you
could say
it for Mr. Cheney. You both crossed the Rubicon yesterday.
Which one of you chose the route, no longer matters. Which is
the ventriloquist, and which the dummy, is irrelevant.
But that you have twisted the machinery of government
into
nothing more than a tawdry machine of politics, is the only
fact that remains relevant.
It is nearly July 4th, Mr. Bush, the commemoration of the
moment
we Americans decided that rather than live under a King who
made up the laws, or erased them, or ignored them - or
commuted the sentences of those rightly convicted under them
- we would force our independence, and regain our sacred
freedoms.
We of this time - and our leaders in Congress, of both
parties -
must now live up to those standards which echo through our
history: Pressure, negotiate, impeach - get you, Mr. Bush,
and Mr. Cheney, two men who are now perilous to our
Democracy, away from its helm.
For you, Mr. Bush, and for Mr. Cheney, there is a lesser
task.
You need merely achieve a very low threshold indeed. Display
just that iota of patriotism which Richard Nixon showed, on
August 9th, 1974.
Resign.
And give us someone - anyone - about whom all of us might
yet be
able to quote John Wayne, and say, "I didn't vote for him,
but he's my president, and I hope he does a good job."
http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/070407Y.shtml
.
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| User: "" |
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| Title: Re: Olbermann: Bush, Cheney Should Resign |
10 Jul 2007 12:58:34 PM |
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On Jul 5, 8:17 pm, "liberalh...@yahoo.com" <liberalh...@yahoo.com>
wrote:
"james g. keegan jr." <jgkee...@gmail.com> wrote innews:jgkeegan-90DEF3.17222204072007@individual.net:
Olbermann: Bush, Cheney Should Resign
By KeithOlbermann
MSNBC Countdown
One extremely tangential complaint aboutOlbermann: he makes a
great show out of ridiculing the moronic talking heads on other
networks with his "Worst Person in the World" segment...but
always remains silent about equally moronic talking heads on the
network he works for. I refer to Matthews and Carlsen
specifically. These two are as bad O'Rielly on his worst day.
Yeah, well, the last time a media corporation attacked its own was CBS
hammering Rather and crew.
And, damn, don't get me started on his "Oddball" crap. I turn the
sound off. I resent him making money off the stupidity of losers
who generally mean no one any harm.
Well, I've liked the Oddball stuff that doesn't include 'losers', and
also the repeated rooting for the bulls in Pamplona.
.
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