| Topic: |
Religions > Atheism |
| User: |
"Nik" |
| Date: |
19 Sep 2003 09:31:26 AM |
| Object: |
Asatru resources |
Background: The "Aryan Law" was a piece of legislation the Nazis
implemented early in Hitler's rule to drive Jews out of the professions.
This 54-page pamphlet summarizes the law and argues for its beneficial
effects. It was designed for mass distribution. The bulk of the pamphlet
provides figures to show that Jews were over-represented in various
populations. It then claims this is the result of Jewish arrogance, and
that Germany was saved by Hitler from a Jewish takeover. This is a good
example of early Nazi anti-Semitism. It claims Jews are being treated well,
and that only their intolerable presumption is being restricted.
I have included most, but not all of the charts and one of the five
illustrations.
The inside cover includes a price list, noting that at 501 copies and
above, the price was 55 pfennig each (about the price of two beers). The
publisher, the Verlag "Neues Volk", was affiliated with the Nazi Party, but
I'm not sure of the precise connection. It was the publisher of the monthly
periodical of the Racial Policy Office of the party, titled Neues Volk.
Source: E. H. Schulz and R. Frercks, Warum Arierpargraph? Ein Beitrag zur
Judenfrage (Berlin: Verlag Neues Volk, 1934).
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Why the Aryan Law?
A Contribution to the Jewish Question
by Dr. E. H. Schulz and Dr. R. Frercks
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Contents
Introduction
The National Socialist Racial Standpoint
Germans and Jews
The Development of Jewry in Prussia from 1816 to 1925
The Geographic Distribution of Jews in Prussia
The Development of Foreign Jewry in Prussia after the Last Pre-War Census
of 1 December 1910
Jewish Occupational Patterns in Prussia
The Social Standing of the Jews in Comparison to that of Germans
The Dominant Position of Jews in Commerce
The Significance of the Jews in German Cultural Life
The Jewdification of the University System
The Jewdification of the Student Body at Universities and Other
Institutions of Advanced Learning
The Jewdification of University Faculties
Jewry in the Stock Exchange
The Jew in Theater and Film
The Jews in Politics and the German Reichstag
Conclusion
Appendix: The Meaning of the Racial Laws of the Third Reich
Forward
In 1793 the famous philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte, author of "Speeches
to the German Nation," wrote a pamphlet titled "A Contribution to
Correcting Judgments about the French Revolution." It contained the
following significant sentence:
"In nearly all the nations of Europe, a powerful, hostile government is
growing, and is at war with all the others, and sometimes oppresses the
people in dreadful ways: It is Jewry!"
The French Revolution, with its "ideas for the improvement of humanity"
thundered past, and in the noise the people who had believed in world
brotherhood entirely missed this serious warning. What Fichte warned the
word about then has today become fact in nearly all the nations of the
world. The Jewish people, once only tolerated, knew how to raise a hue and
cry about discrimination and persecution, winning the sympathy of the world
for the "poor Jews." They increasingly infiltrated deep within our national
organism, growing to have power over every single area of our national
life. The old saga, the "Edda," observes that one blocks a river at its
source. The failure to do that was the great mistake of the German people.
Thank God, it is not too late. Our Führer Adolf Hitler recognized the
importance of the problem for Germany's rebirth, and outlined its solution
in his program.
Martin Luther wrote this of the Jews in his book "The Jews and their Lies":
"They hold we Christians captive in our own land. They have seized our
goods by their cursed usury, they mock and insult us because we work. They
are our lords, and we and our goods belong to them." If in the coming days
the Jewish race is driven out of the non-Jewish world, it will have at
least this consolation: It has made clear to them for all time the value of
maintaining the purity of race and blood in clear, understandable and
unforgettable ways.
National Socialist racial legislation has reduced the influence of Jewry in
all professions, and above all excluded them from the leading offices of
the nation. That is an important step in the relationship between Germans
and Jews, but one cannot ignore the fact that we have not yet fully
eliminated the influence of the Jewish foreign body in German national
life. It is not a question of German-Jewish coexistence, rather of making
as great as possible a separation between blood and blood.
Three things are involved here:
A knowledge of the basic principles of National Socialist racial thinking,
An understanding of the growth and expansion of Jewry,
The dominant sociological position of Jewry, to show how it dominated the
German people economically, intellectually and politically.
The motto of this work is:
"Let the numbers speak."
One more point. Absolutely accurate statistical data for all of Germany is
not available. There is accurate data available for Prussia that shows the
gradual jewdification of our people [Footnote source: Die Bevölkerungs- und
Berufsverhältnisse der Juden im Deutschen Reich. I. Band: Freistaat
Preußen] It is no weakness of this work that it handles only a portion of
the German nation, Prussia. Prussia, as is well known, comprises 2/3 of the
German Reich, and it can be assumed that the figures for Prussia for the
post-war period apply more or less to the entire German Reich as well.
The National Socialist Racial Standpoint
In discussing the Jewish Question, even today one encounters resistance and
misunderstandings, especially in intellectual circles. This can only be
explained by the intellectual education of the political past. This is
especially evident when one discusses the fundamental issues.
Whenever a new thought arises in the world and calls people to practical
action, the old world resists because it feels its foundations threatened.
Its old standpoint has ruled for decades, and it looks uncomprehendingly at
a new idea that does not fit into the accustomed patterns of thinking. That
is natural. When the new idea and worldview are truly revolutionary, they
are on a different level of human thought and feeling, and there can be no
compromise. Its realization depends on people who support it, and who are
ready to fight to transform the life of the individual and of the nation in
every way.
For a long time, people at home and abroad claimed that National Socialism
meant war at any price. Only gradually is it becoming clear that a stable
Germany, one that needs peace for decades to build itself up economically
and agriculturally, is a surer guarantee of peace than a nation torn apart
by party conflicts, which is a constant source of political unrest. The new
Germany's racial thinking is the hardest element for many to understand,
encountering rejection and misunderstanding. Some of it is the result of
the honest misunderstanding of the old liberal outlook, but some of it is
also the result of a conscious attempt to encircle Germany. Before the war
the danger was seen as the "militaristic Empire." Today, the racial outlook
is seen as a threat to all human culture and civilization, making necessary
a unified front of all those nations whose dignity is threatened by German
barbarism. That is the approach today of those foreign circles interested
in isolating Germany.
In the long run, no idea is better suited to guarantee peace between
nations than National Socialist racial thinking, which calls for the
furtherance and maintenance of one's own race and one's own people, and
supports similar efforts on the part of other nations. Such mutual respect
which requires respect both for one's own nation and that of others rejects
the forcible conquest of other nations, and history shows that it is
useless as well. Imperialist strivings are rejected from the start, since
they would mean an overlapping of one's own activities with those of
others.
There can be no doubt that, as in so many other areas, human generations
develop in unified ways. But humanity finds its deepest meaning when the
outward elements are determined by the character and spiritual
characteristics that find their visible expression in race and nationality.
No thought or feeling, if it is genuine and deep, can escape its racial
boundaries.
One of the fundamental principles of the National Socialist worldview is
that there are not universal human principles, such as the Pan-European
idea in politics or the idea of a human soup in racial terms. Judgments are
only possible from life, which is racially determined. Being interested in
and caring for one's kind is not to disparage foreign peoples and races.
The Jews are responsible for charges that Germany puts all other peoples
and races on earth on a lower level. Just as one cannot say that one animal
or plant is better than another, one cannot make an objective value
judgment between Europeans and Mongols. Their thinking and feeling about
essential matters are different, which means they will have different
cultures. We have our values, other peoples have theirs. Every variety of
custom and culture is colored by the race or group from which produces it,
as are judgments of such matters.
Lasting peace is possible based on the consciousness of the ethnic or
racial distinctiveness of each nation, and a recognition of their mutual
right to existence rather than on the maintenance of some sort of power
position. The new Germany that views its own race and ethnicity positively
must therefore distinguish within its territory between one race and
another, between one people and another. Mixing of blood harms both sides.
Race is an issue for every people if they are to live according to their
nature. The German people is not so arrogant as to believe that is is the
chosen people. The familiar quotation from Geibel, "The world should enjoy
German ways," should be understood in the context of the dreams of world
betterment of those past days.
The National Socialist racial viewpoint has clear consequences for the
relationship between Germans and Jews. People have often said that National
Socialism's approach to the racial question is purely negative and
destructive, and that its essential characteristic is radical anti-
Semitism. One must grant that we made the Jewish question clearer than
anyone else, and taught an entire generation that had been taught to see
all people the same to recognize the importance of the Jewish question not
only for our people, but for the entire world. Our treatment of the Jewish
problem in the years before we took power must be seen as the political
education of the German people, which had lost its racial instincts to a
dangerous degree.
The question took on its own nature in Germany, Many citizens had their
eyes opened, and the simultaneous appeal to all the heroic and manly
virtues of the German man resulted in a racial selection of political
fighters who today stand at the head of the new state. Formerly, the Jewish
question, as seen by the state, was a matter of complete equality and the
unhindered immigration of Jews from the East. This is the best proof of how
racial feeling and consciousness had been lost. Our tone was not purely
negative or the simple rejection of others, rather the emphasis was on the
positive values of our own people. This does require noting that Jewry
through its Marxist class struggle leadership role and its international
financial measures aimed at Germany supported every kind of anti-national
action in the cultural and political fields. Jewry should not complain if
its anti-German activities, which have no counterpart in any other country,
call forth from the people the defensive reaction of anti-Semitism.
Germans and Jews
The starting point of the discussion is the scientific fact that the Jew is
different than the German. This is neither arrogant nor boastful, it simply
is the way things are. For us, the Jewish question is a question between
two peoples. Its characteristics are determined by the racially determined
differences between the two, and through the unusual sociological and
numerical development of Jewry in the course of its history, developments
that are particularly evident in the last decades through a constantly
growing process of foreign infiltration that has reached an intolerable
level for the German people.
More than once over its history, the German people has absorbed foreign
elements, but they were racially identical or similar population groups, as
for example was the case with the Huguenots. With the Jews, things are
fundamentally different. They are seen everywhere as foreigners, and see
themselves that way as well. Walter Rathenau said it most clearly as early
as 1897: "How strange! In the middle of German life there is a separate,
foreign tribe that that stands out in every way with its hot-tempered
behavior. An Asiatic horde has settled on the sands of Mark Brandenburg."
Einstein said something in 1931: "I have to laugh when I hear the phrase
'German citizen of the Jewish faith.' [A leading German Jewish organization
had this name.] These citizens first of all want nothing to do with my poor
Eastern European brothers, and second do not want to be sons of my (Jewish)
people, but only members of the Jewish cultural community. Is that honest?
Can a non-Jew respect such people? I am not a German citizen. I am a Jew,
and am happy to belong to the Jewish people."
The most remarkable thing about Jewry is that it has not disappeared over
the millennia, even though it lacks its own territory and language. Even
more remarkable is that it lacks the main characteristic of a minority
population, its own pockets of settlement to which it could if necessary
retreat. Only time will tell if Palestine will someday fill this gap. That
question is made more difficult by the fact that the Arabs maintain their
claim on Palestine. Whatever the twists of history, the Jew has always
remained the same, whether as a grain speculator in ancient Rome or as a
bank or stock exchange potentate in the modern era. They were always able
to control the wealth of whole nations. Nations and peoples once their
contemporaries have vanished, leaving only words and crumbled monuments
behind; only the Jew remains. In ancient days we see him carrying on his
business in the trading centers of the Mediterranean. In the Middle Ages he
provided money for German nobles and free cities. Today he rules the banks
and stock exchanges of the whole world, forcing the nations under the yoke
of financial capitalism. The power of this people of 15 million rests on
these international relations. This is how they seem to fulfill the
commandment of Jehovah — the world domination of the chosen people.
The secret of the Jewish people, which has enabled them to survive through
all of history's twists and turns, is that it has always recognized the
laws of blood, even anchoring them in the laws of its religion. The
consciousness of blood and family that believing Jews have has been
stronger than all the other forces of history, giving us a unique example
of a people without its own land and language, which still meets the
criteria for being a people, and which has outlasted many other peoples.
This historic manifestation of Jewry, which is unique, brings to the fore
the question of the relationship between the host and guest peoples. It has
been answered in differing ways throughout history, depending on the
worldview and thinking then predominant.
Since the Jews were dispersed they have been held together by the laws of
their religion and their faith that they were the chosen people. Until the
middle of the 18th Century, Germans and Jews lived apart from each other.
The Jews had no opportunity to become involved in the religious of
political-intellectual life of their host people. On the other hand, they
could practice their own customs without interference. They had their own
religion and their own laws. During the Middle Ages, the Ghetto was the way
Jewry could maintain itself in the midst of other peoples and fulfill its
Jewish duties, which grew out of its race, origins and laws. The values and
ideals of other peoples were not affected. This separation was only
possible because the views of the host people were as strong as those of
the Jews. According to the writer Grau: "There was no racial defilement or
baptism, no attempt to join a nation that one could never be a member of,
and no attempt to intellectually silence the host people." In the Ghetto of
the Middle Ages, the Jew developed his nature and characteristics, which
were later to become significant, while maintaining the community of blood
and race. The latter is particularly important, since the strict physical
separation between the host and guest peoples maintained the foreign nature
that we daily see so clearly, now that the barriers between have long since
fallen.
Even in the Middle Ages, the m most important thing was not the difference
between the Christian and Mosaic faiths. Rather, there was on the one hand
the natural sense that the Jew was of a foreign race, and on the other hand
the strict law of blood which demanded a clear separation if the Jews were
to fulfill Jehovah's mission, which had guided them from the beginning.
Just this has always been kept in the background by historians, who present
the Ghetto as a tolerated asylum for Jewish martyrs persecuted on account
of their faith. There is a gap to be filled here. The task of historians
writing from our new viewpoint will be to examine the portrait of the
Ghetto of the Middle Ages to discover its importance for the development of
Jewry and the relationship between the guest and host peoples. Even the
Jewish side is demanding that. O. Karbach criticizes historical writing
because it "in significant ways conceals the historical fact that the Jews
in the centuries before their emancipation possessed a legal standing that
was better than the greater part of the rest of the population, namely
complete or partial agricultural freedom. (Ordnung in der Judenfrage,
edited by E. Czermak, Reinhold, Vienna, 1933).
The barriers between Germans and Jews fell as a result of the Enlightenment
and the French Revolution. The path to Jewish world domination would take a
different direction than pious, observant Jews had expected. Emancipation
made it possible to build Jewish dominance through secular means. With the
disappearance of racial consciousness, only religious differences seemed to
remain. It seemed at the time unjust to give someone a preferred position
only because of his religious beliefs, which are an entirely personal
matter. At the time, this was tied to a belief in human equality and
freedom. It was revolutionary. It shattered the church dogmas that had
ruled for centuries and was the foundation of liberal thinking during the
last two hundred years. The new goal was humanity itself, and nothing stood
in the way of racial mixing. Some had the quiet hope that assimilation
would mean the absorption of Jewry. Jewry itself, however, was more than
willing to use the opportunities of religious assimilation, which opened
the path to all important positions, even to political leadership. As H.
Heine said, "baptism was the ticket to European culture." Gradually, an
intermixing with the German people developed, particularly in its cultural
elite. Foreign blood infiltrated to a degree that we realize only today now
that the "Law to Reestablish a Professional Bureaucracy" has exposed
numerous sources of foreign blood. This process has greatly accelerated
during the last fourteen years.
Today the age of raceless thinking is being displaced by the ideals of
human variability. Values are rooted in origin and territory, and each
group has a historic mission based on its own unique and eternal values.
Such new racial thinking will of course secure the opposition of those who
either through faith or reason still believe in the unity of humanity in
culture, social order and organization. The Jews will naturally oppose any
discussion of race, since the denial of any significant differences between
people is the foundation of his infiltration of Western European society.
The Jew finds any mention of the racial question as an attack on his
current existence. His leading role in every anti-national area is
characteristic of his mimicry, and is necessary for his continued
existence. That explains the phrase "German citizen of the Jewish faith."
The recognition that the Jew is of a foreign and different race along with
the reawakening of German racial consciousness must necessarily lead to a
change in the relations between Germans and Jews.
The Development of Jewry in Prussia from 1816 to 1925
There is one point to keep in mind before examining the statistics. Only
those people who claimed to be Jews and were members of the Mosaic faith
were counted as Jews, not those who for internal or external reasons
belonged to another religion, or those who claimed by be dissident Jews and
therefore did not belong to the standard groups.
This is regrettable for our purposes, since we are interested not in the
influence of those who still claimed the Jewish religion, rather those who
belonged to the Jewish race! That includes all Jews, whether of the Mosaic
faith or baptized Christians. That is just what the supporters of the
Talmud and the Old Testament always said. They complained that the state
opened all offices to those "without character," to "Christmas Jews," even
admitting them to the officer corps! The statistics given here must
therefore be increased significantly. The Jews are a race, and baptism does
not in any way change the foreign characteristics that are hostile to the
German people.
The first Prussian census was taken after the Wars of Liberation in 1816.
The total population of Prussia was 10,349,031, of whom 123,938 were Jews,
about 1,2%. 47.2% of those Jews lacked citizenship, meaning that almost
half of the Jews then living in Prussia were foreigners. The census of
1846, the last to distinguish between Jews with and without citizenship,
found that the percentage of Jews without citizenship was 36.7%. They were
1.3% of the total population.
The following table gives an overview of the percentage of Jews in the
total population from 1816 to the present.
Census Year
Jews per 1,000
Census Year
Jews per 1,000
1816 11.98 1858 13.67
1819 12.26 1861 13.78
1822 12.40 1864 13.61
1825 12.24 1867 13.06
1828 12.65 1871 13.21
1831 12.83 1875 13.20
1834 13.06 1880 13.34
1837 13.02 1885 12.94
1840 13.03 1890 12.42
1843 13.35 1895 11.92
1846 13.38 1900 11.38
1849 13.41 1905 10.98
1852 13.40 1910 10.36
1855 13.62 1925 10.58
The percentage of those holding the Mosaic faith rose during the 19th
Century from 1.2% in 1816 to a high point of 1.4% in 1861 and 1865, falling
to 1% by 1910. The numerical decline since the 1860's is misleading, since
one must realize that from a racial standpoint, there are more Jews than
the official statistics show. This is important, particularly in view of
growing assimilation. The numerous moves from the Jewish religion to other
faiths can be explained because the Jews seek to gain the advantages of the
Aryan population. Using Protestantism, Catholicism or the independent
churches as a cover, Jews found easy entrance to high positions in
politics, the arts, business and the civil service. The idea that all
people were equal was accepted both by conservative and liberal thinking,
allowing the incorporation of entirely foreign racial elements. This shows
how every level of society was influenced by the thinking of the era. This
led to the belief that the value of people was determined by their
education and possessions, and on the other hand to the dogmatic view that
the social environment was the most important element in human development.
One might have assumed that the percentage of per thousand annually. A
figure of 3 Jews per thousand leaving the Jewish faith annually is
reasonable. This would be at least 15,408 for the years 1911 to 1925 (that
is, 14 times 3 per thousand = 4.2%) who changed religions or left theirs
without joining another.
Of course, the intellectual atmosphere that enabled the Jew to infiltrate
the German body politic quickly led the Jew himself to see that conditions
for his advancement were favorable, and that the way to the top was open.
He also realized what the population statistics meant, indeed they were
particularly clear to him, since 2/3 of his kind lived in the big cities,
the centers of the liberal worldview. Jews in general have been unable to
maintain their demographic numbers. In Prussia, the birth rate of Jewish
parents was significantly under that of the general population. In 1910,
there were 17 births per 1,000 Jews. The birth rate in mixed marriages was
only 6 per 1,000. That is below the rate necessary to maintain the
population, and there was a surplus of deaths over births of 18,252 between
1911 and 1925.
There is no doubt that the native West European Jewry in Germany, which is
particularly part of the upper class, has shrunk. If the German border to
the East had been closed before the World War, we would scarcely have a
Jewish question. It is incorrect to speak of German Jewry, since most of
the increase in Jewry comes from the East. Germany is the first filter for
those who will learn civilized manners and go on to other Western nations.
Despite these statistics, the number of Jews did not decrease between 1900
and 1925, rather showed a slight increase. Between the last pre-war census
of 1 December 1910 and that of 16 June 1925, the Jewish population grew
from 366,876 to 403,969, or 10.1% The entire population of Prussia grew by
3,119,000 during this same period, or 8.9%, significantly less than the
Jewish population. This growth is particularly striking when one recalls
that between 1910 and 1925 areas with a heavy Jewish population (e.g.,
Pommerania, West Prussia, etc.) were lost as a result of the War. 49,101
Jews, 11.81% of the Jewish population, had lived in these areas.
Despite losses due to change in religion, despite the surplus of deaths to
births, and despite territorial losses there was an increase in the Jewish
population in both absolute and relative terms. The reason is clear: During
and after the War, there was strong Jewish immigration, particularly from
areas in Eastern Europe.
The Geographic Distribution of Jews in Prussia
The last pre-war census was held on 1 December 1910. The first census to
give comparable statistics was on 16 June 1925. It seems the best way to
proceed is to compare the two sets of results.
First,403,969 of Prussia's 38,120,173 inhabitants were Jewish, about 1.06%.
Next, the figures provide a picture of the peculiar distribution of Jewry
in the various provinces and big cities. The percentage of the Jewish
population in the eastern provinces, the doorway so to speak, were
significantly higher than in the other provinces. The percentage in Hesse-
Nassau was twice as high as the average, influenced by the Jewish
metropolis of Frankfurt.
The city of Berlin, a province since 1891, had a remarkably high number of
Jews, both in absolute terms (172,672 Jews) and in percentages. 4/10 of the
Jews lived in Berlin, nearly half, though Berlin had only 1/10 of Prussia's
total population.
The Jewish Population of Prussia on 16 June 1925
Province
Total Number
In number per 1000 of all Jews
In number per 1,000 of the Provincial population
City of Berlin 172,672 472.4 42.9
Rhine 58,223 144.1 8.0
Hesse-Nassau 52,757 130.6 22.0
Lower Silesia 29,953 74.2 9.6
Westphalia 21,595 53.5 4.5
Hanover 14,895 36.9 4.7
East Prussia 11,337 28.1 5.0
Upper Silesia 10,069 24.9 7.3
Brandenburg 8,442 20.9 3.3
Saxony 8.341 20.6 2.6
Pommerania 7,761 4.1
Schleswig-Holstein 4,152 10.3 2.7
Posen-West Prussia 3,437 8.5 10.3
Hohenzollern 335 0.8 4.7
TOTAL
403,969 1000 10.6
The strong representation of Jewry in large cities indicates a flight from
the countryside by the Jewish race. As early as 1817, a study of the Jewish
population found that only 16% of Jews lived in the countryside, as
compared to 72% of the general population. In 1925, the number of Jews in
rural counties, even those with mid-sized or small cities, had fallen to
0.34%, while the Jewish population of counties with cities averaged 2.2%.
The percentage climbs to 2.6% if we take the 29 of 188 Prussian cities with
populations over 100,000, the big cities. They have a total population of
11,144,024, including 294,230 Jews.
These 294,230 Jews in big cities are 72.8% of the Jews in Prussia, while
the figure for the general population, despite increasing urbanization, was
only 29.2%.
The process of urbanization was far more advanced among the Jews than the
general population, meaning that Jews had clustered in big cities to begin
their climb into the cultural elite. The trend intensified in recent
decades. The devout Jews freshly arrived form the East went immediately to
the big cities to carry on their business. By the second generation we
already find them in some big commercial enterprise, bank or stock
brokerage firm. It was necessary for them to adapt to the surroundings,
outwardly separating themselves from their religious comrades in order to
prepare the way for their children to enter the leading circles. This was
made easier by the view of the day, which believed in the equality of all.
Particularly after the outward signs of the Mosaic faith had been left
behind, nothing stood in the way of economic and political equality.
The Development of Foreign Jewry in Prussia after the Last Pre-War Census
of 1 December 1910
Given Germany as it then was, and particularly because of its geographical
position, Prussia was a receptacle for Jewish immigration from the East to
the West. From the beginning of the Twentieth Century, the big cities were
the gathering place of Eastern Jews in Prussia. Until the beginning of the
World War, this stream could be kept somewhat within bounds, but the war
swept aside all protective barriers in this regard. One can even say that
social democracy used its political power to give a major boost to Eastern
Jewish immigration and naturalization.
As we have already noted, there was a growth in the total Jewish population
of Prussia between 1 December 1910 and 16 June 1925 from 366,876 to
403.969, or 10.1%. The entire population of Prussia over the same period
and on the same territory rose about 3,119,000, or 8.9%, substantially less
than the rise in the Jewish population. This was despite the loss of
territories with significant Jewish populations, despite the surplus of
deaths over births, despite baptisms and those who gave up their religion
altogether!
A closer look at the statistics and facts gives an entirely different
picture of the Jews since 1910. Between 1911 and 1924, there was an excess
of deaths over births of 18,252. Subtracting that number from the 366,876
Jews in 1910 results in a figure of 348,624. Then there were 15,408 Jews
(14 times 3 per 1,000 = 4.2% of Jews) who between 1911 and 1924 converted
or left their faith altogether. That would leave us with 333,212 Jews in
1924. However, the actual number of believing Jews in 1925 was 403,969.
This must be the result of the immigration or migration of Jews from the
lost territories, a total of around 70,000.
In reality, this flood of Jews must be considerably higher than 70,000.,
since many of those 70,000 were already dissidents, Catholics or
Protestants, or did not reveal their religion.
Of the 403.969 Jews in Prussia on 16 June 1925, 68,114 were foreigners,
7,364 had no nationality, and 909 were of unknown citizenship. It seems to
us of considerable political significance to know the nationality of these
68,114 Jewish foreigners.
Poland takes the lead. 35,385 of these Jewish foreigners came from there.
Of the 35,585 Polish Jews, nearly half — 17,423 — lived in Berlin.
9,498, or 2.35%, came from Austria.
In third place among the Jewish foreigners is Soviet Russia, with 6,986,
5,185 of whom lived in Berlin. These 6,986 Russian Jews are 1.73% of all
Jewry in Prussia.
Czechoslovakia provided 95,263 total immigrants, or 0.25%, putting it in
second place, but its 3,574 Jews, or 0.89%, put in in fourth place with
regards to Jewish immigrants.
Other nations included Hungary with 2,480 Jews, Romania with 2,156, the
Netherlands with 1,791, and Lithuania with 1,350 Jews.
Jewish Occupational Patterns in Prussia
It would be too much to investigate the occupational patterns of Jews in
Prussia for the past century, as we did with their population.
Still, by the middle of the last century people were aware that it was
absolutely necessary to follow the occupational development of Jewry. Graf
von Arnim, then the Prussian Minister of the Interior, made the following
declaration on 21 October 1843:
"It is not yet clear what the results of legislative deliberations about
Jewish civil activities will have. But there is a clear need for the
administration to gather material on occupational matters, in particular
the extend to which peddling and junk dealing are still dominated by them,
with the resulting effects on the social development of these subjects."
The minister's decree resulted in a survey of the occupations of the Jewish
population in Prussia, which produced the following results:
Jewish Occupations in Prussia at the End of 1843
Occupation
Total Number
Percentage
Total Number
Percentage
1
2
3
4
5
I. Doctors, teachers, scientific 1,666 2.7
II. Retirees and Pensioners 1,687 2.7
IIIa. Independent shopkeepers 21,739 35
IIIb. Workers in commerce 5,029 8.1
IIIc. All in the trades 26,738 43.1
IV. Restaurants and taverns 2,898 4.7
Va. Independent tradesmen and craftsmen 8,420 13.5
Vb. Workers in the trades 3,636 5.8
Vc. All tradesmen and craftsmen 12,056 19.3
VI. Agriculture 639 1
VII. Other professions 1,364 2.2
VIII. Workers in IIIb and Vb — —
IX. Lower level town jobs 790 1.3
X. Day laborers 2,636 4.2
XI. Domestic servants 6,296 10.1
XII. Supported by various charities 2,356 3.8
XIII. No fixed employment or begging 3,029 4.9
TOTALS
62,185 100%
These figures show that even then Jewry inclined strongly to commerce, with
43.1% engaged in it.
Now let us turn to the present.
Nothing shows the differences between our people and the Jews more clearly
than their likes and dislikes for certain occupations. In some occupations,
particularly those that are most important for the nation as a whole, the
foreign influence on German life has reached an intolerable extent not seen
elsewhere in Europe. The preference for certain occupations also gives us
an interesting insight into the spiritual nature of Jewry.
The following figures show how much critical occupations in Germany have
been infiltrated.
112,188 Jews, or 58.8%, far more than half, are employed in the area of
"commerce and transportation, including restaurants and taverns," but only
17.11% (3,248,145) of the population as a whole. In the area of "industry
and craft work, including mining and construction," 19,318 Jews (25.85%)
were employed, including 31.82% of foreigners. For the population as a
whole, the figure was 40.94% (7,771,799).
The figures in the field of "public administration, the judiciary, the army
and navy, churches, legal professionals and the independent professions."
11,324 Jews were employed there, or 5.94% , over against 921,048 (4.85%) in
the general population. The Jews are over-represented by 1% in these very
important areas when compared to the overall Prussian population. The
contrast is even crasser when one factors out the 5.13% of Jews who are
foreigners. The percentage of eligible Jews is then 6.12% over against
4.85% for the general population.
The percentage of the Jewish population in Area D over against the general
population is as high as it is because this area includes not only those in
public service, the army and the navy, but also the "independent
professions." If one separates the independent professions from public
service, the results are as follows:
In 1925, 0.81% of Jews were active as civil servants or in the army and
navy, as opposed to 2.3% of the general population. In the church,
religious occupations, the legal system and the other independent
professions, the Jewish percentage is 4.3% as opposed to 2% of the general
population. This shows that the Jews are over-represented when compared to
the general population, particularly in the independent professions.
The percentage of the Jewish population in government positions may seem
less than that of the general population, but the difference is not as
great as the figures first suggest. The most recent figures, not yet
entirely complete, suggest that a not insignificant number of them are
baptized Jews or dissidents formerly of the Jewish faith who denied their
Jewishness to gain an official position.
4.35% of Jews are employed in the medical and health care system, including
welfare, and 2.0% of foreign Jews. The figure for the general population is
1.88%. The Jewish percentage is thus 2 1/2 times as high as that of the
general population.
In summary, Jewish occupational patterns differ from those of the rest of
the population. Jewry seems to have an aversion to agricultural work,
industrial labor and crafts. They are greatly over-represented in commerce
and transportation, including the entire banking system. They are also
over-represented in the independent professions and the health care system.
These figures alone demonstrate a clear difference between the native
German population and alien Jewry.
Here there is a full-page table showing the distribution of occupations
among the general population, all Jews, native Jews and foreign Jews. It is
too complicated for me to put into HTML
Very similar conditions prevail in all Western European nations and also in
North America, since Jews have spread throughout the world in areas with
growing industry and in cities that are centers of economic and financial
power. It is not true, as is often claimed, that the Jew was systematically
forced into commerce by the laws of the various nations; rather, commerce
particularly suits the Jew's nature. This is supported by Dr. Arthur
Ruppin, a scholar respected by the Jews. He writes in his book The Jews of
the Present (2nd edition, Cologne and Leipzig, 1911, p. 45):
"Thanks to their significant commercial gifts (!), the Jews soon enjoyed
great success in commerce and industry. For 2000 years they have seemed
predestined to work in commerce. It is false to claim, as some do, that
Jews became merchants primarily because the Christians denied them other
occupations during the Middle Ages. The Jews did not become merchants in
Europe, rather they entered the profession in growing numbers ever since
the Babylonian Captivity in Syria, Egypt and Babylon [because they dislike
labor and prefer to have others work for them! The Editor]. In Palestine
until the dispersion they did live primarily by agriculture. In the
Diaspora, there was hardly anywhere that the Jews lived by agriculture. The
Middle Ages did not make them into merchants. It only affirmed legally that
which history had already established. It is after all the rule that
economic laws generally do not create new conditions, but only legalize and
regulate that which already exists. The law would never have limited the
Jews to commerce in Europe if they had not already immigrated primarily as
merchants..."
Nearly all national economists agree that the Jews owe their role as
merchants not to chance, but to their excellent abilities as merchants. As
W. Sombart wrote: "The Jewish race is by nature the incarnation of the
capitalism-mercantile spirit." (Der moderne Kapitalismus, Vol. 2, p. 349.
Leipzig, 1902). Many others agree.
The Social Standing of the Jews in Comparison to that of Germans
Our primary interest is in the decisive influence of Jewry in our economic
and intellectual life. We also think it necessary to look at the social
standing of workers. The following interesting conclusions are clear.
1. There were about 3,070,000 independent self-employed workers in Prussia,
92,164 of whom were Jews. That is 16.2% of the general population, but
48.3% of the Jews. That is a figure three times as high. These figures are
most influenced by those Jews active in commerce, transportation, and
restaurants and taverns, where the figure is 31.5% versus 3.8%.
Similarly differences in the relative proportion of Jews by the self-
employed are evident in the medical field, which employs 0.5% of the
general population but 2.8% of the Jews, nearly six times as many.
Similar statistics are found in the cultural area (theater, film, radio,
education, teaching, etc.). The 0.4% of the general population are employed
there, 2.6% of the Jews, also about six times as many.
In the area of public administration and the judiciary, the percentage of
Jews in high positions is 2.0%, over against 1.3% of the general
population, nearly twice as high. The significance of these figures becomes
clear that when one realizes that the 2.3% of professional Jews in public
administration and the judiciary are in a branch where the Jewish
percentage of employees is only 0.81%. That means that the Jews are
especially represented in the important positions that influence the whole
government and leading branches of the economy.
2. There were about 3,240,000 white collar workers in Prussia, 64,469 of
whom were Jews. That was respectively 17.1% and 33.8% of those employed.
The Jewish percentage is therefore almost double that of the general
population.
More than 2/5 of the 3.2 million, around 1.36 million, are active in
commerce and transportation, while the Jewish total is 39,661, or more than
3/5. Putting all the groups together, about 7.2% of the general population
is employed in these areas as opposed to 20.8% of the Jews.
In industry, 4.7% of the general population is employed in whitecollar
jobs, 7.8% of the Jews.
3. There are few Jewish workers. Prussia had 8.9 million workers, or 46.9%
of the population, but there were only 16,019 Jews, or 8.4%.
The statistics may be interesting. The Jewish workers included 11,406 in
industry, 2,220 in commerce and transportation, and 726 in agriculture.
The following figures show most clearly the different social structure of
Jewry in Prussia over against the general population, and reveal clearly
Jewry's leading role in public life:
Jews
Non-Jews
Owners and leasors 44.9% 14.4%
Leading public officials 2.6% 0.7%
Totals
47.5% 15.1%
Technical professionals and civil servants 3.9% 5.0%
Supervisors 0.2% 1.4%
Commercial employees 29.7% 10.9%
Totals
33.8% 14.4%
Skilled workers 5.8% 32.0%
Unskilled workers 2.6% 16.1%
Home workers 0.8% 0.7%
Totals
9.5% 18.9%
100% 100%
.
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| User: "Nik" |
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| Title: Re: Asatru resources |
19 Sep 2003 12:01:03 PM |
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............................................................................
..................................... <nospam@newsranger.com> wrote in
news:NlFab.20992$cJ5.2850@www.newsranger.com:
In article <bkf3vk$ffn$12@blackhelicopter.databasix.com>, Nik says...
Nothing of importance
Isidor
by Joseph Goebbels
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-----
My name is Hase [Hase, German for rabbit, but also an ignoramus]. I live in
the forest and don't know anything about anything. I keep out of
everything. I am, one might say, politically neutral. When it is to my
advantage, I can believe anything, though the facts are best. The facts are
mostly wonderful. I am of the opinion that the far right and the far left
must be banned. The center, of course, is out of the question. As I said,
that's my opinion. I am a realist. That is comfortable, it has few dangers,
and one can make a living.
But assume I didn't live in the forest any more, but in China. Some kind of
fortune or misfortune has brought me there. Let's assume that. Now that
would be terribly unpleasant. For in China, as is well known, everyone is
Chinese, even the emperor. I would stand out. My name is Hase, and I look
like a German. One would be able to recognize me immediately. Why, even the
children would stand stock still in the street and call out "That's Hase."
But I would know what to do. I would grow a long pigtail and stop looking
like a German. I would give up my honorable name Schmidt and rename myself
"Wukiutschu." That's what I'd do. And if someone still called me "Hase," I
would be very angry.
Let's assume, then, that I live in Shanghai and my father still lives in
the forest. I wouldn't say anything about the forest to anyone. Just the
opposite! I would behave as if we had lived for generations in Shanghai, no
matter how much others wanted to doubt it. And then, let's assume that by
accident the police chief of Shanghai dies. And that all the Chinese shout
"Wukiutschu should be our leader!"
I would then somehow be the police chief of Shanghai. It's nice to be the
police chief. One has the power to do what one wants. That is, if others
let one get away with it. But they must! If they were dumb enough to say
"Wukiutschu should lead us!" then they have to be satisfied with me. And if
someone weren't satisfied, I'd take action, since there are always
malcontents. I would therefore decree:
"It is forbidden to be dissatisfied!"
Wukiutschu
And I would rule. I know that it wouldn't be as simple as it looks. For
people would come and say:
"What does Wukiutschu want? He isn't even one of our people." Wukiutschu is
really named Hase and lives in the forest. He has sneaked in here. We've
been here on Chinese soil a thousand years and more. Our fathers made this
land livable and defended it with their lives. Back then Wukiutschu still
lived in the forest, but now he behaves as if he had always lived here.
Down with him! China for the Chinese!"
That would naturally be most unpleasant for me. For if one cut my pigtail
off, any child could see that these people were right. But that wouldn't
happen. I would be the police chief after all, and as such have a right to
respect. So I'd make another decree:
"Whoever calls me Hase is inciting class warfare. I forbid it, under
penalty of imprisonment."
Wukiutschu
Then I would have peace. I would rest in the glory of my office. I'd be
fanned by Chinese coolies, receive ocean flyers, and attend every banquet.
My pigtail would grow longer and longer, and I would soon forget that I
once was named Hase. And the malcontents would die, and then the world
would be content.
Only then would life be beautiful and dignified.
I am the pathfinder for that. One only has to know nothing like me in order
to believe it firmly and unshakably.
But, as we said, this is all supposition.
For the Chinese would never be dumb enough to believe that I was Wukiutschu
and to name me police chief.
Such stupid people don't exist.
It is all nothing but a fairy tale.
I am not Chinese and I don't live in Shanghai. My name isn't Wukiutschu,
but Hase.
I live in the forest and don't know anything.
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| User: "Nik" |
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| Title: Re: Asatru resources |
19 Sep 2003 03:10:40 PM |
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Nik <warrensson@yahoo.co.nz> wrote in
news:fimmmvso65rpuumumhtn65hbua0oobarqk@4ax.com:
Full many a wonder is told us in stories old, of heroes worthy of
praise, of hardships dire, of joy and feasting, of the fighting of
bold warriors, of weeping and of wailing; now ye may hear wonders
told.
In Burgundy there grew so noble a maid that in all the lands none
fairer might there be. Kriemhild (3) was she called; a comely woman
she became, for whose sake many a knight must needs lose his life.
Well worth the loving was this winsome maid. Bold knights strove for
her, none bare her hate. Her peerless body was beautiful beyond
degree; the courtly virtues of this maid of noble birth would have
adorned many another woman too.
Three kings, noble and puissant, did nurture her, Gunther (4) and
Gernot, (5) warriors worthy of praise, and Giselher, (6)the youth, a
chosen knight. This lady was their sister, the princes had her in
their care. The lordings were free in giving, of race high-born,
passing bold of strength were they, these chosen knights. Their realm
hight Burgundy. Great marvels they wrought hereafter in Etzel's (7)
land. At Worms (8) upon the Rhine they dwelt with all their power.
Proud knights from out their lands served them with honor, until their
end was come. Thereafter they died grievously, through the hate of two
noble dames.
Their mother, a mighty queen, was called the Lady Uta, (9) their
father, Dankrat, (10) who left them the heritage after his life was
over; a mighty man of valor that he was, who won thereto in youth
worship full great. These kings, as I have said, were of high prowess.
To them owed allegiance the best of warriors, of whom tales were ever
told, strong and brave, fearless in the sharp strife. Hagen (11) there
was of Troneg, thereto his brother Dankwart, (12) the doughty; Ortwin
of Metz (13); Gere (14) and Eckewart, (15) the margraves twain; Folker
of Alzei, (16) endued with fullness of strength. Rumolt (17) was
master of the kitchen, a chosen knight; the lords Sindolt and Hunolt,
liegemen of these three kings, had rule of the court and of its
honors. Thereto had they many a warrior whose name I cannot tell.
Dankwart was marshal; his nephew, Ortwin, seneschal unto the king;
Sindolt was cupbearer, a chosen knight; Hunolt served as chamberlain;
well they wot how to fill these lofty stations. Of the forces of the
court and its far-reaching might, of the high worship (18) and of the
chivalry these lords did ply with joy throughout their life, of this
forsooth none might relate to you the end.
In the midst of these high honors Kriemhild dreamed a dream, of how
she trained a falcon, strong, fair, and wild, which, before her very
eyes, two eagles rent to pieces. No greater sorrow might chance to her
in all this world. This dream then she told to Uta her mother, who
could not unfold it to the dutiful maid in better wise than this: "The
falcon which thou trainest, that is a noble man, but thou must needs
lose him soon, unless so be that God preserve him."
"Why speakest thou to me of men, dear brother mine? I would fain ever
be without a warrior's love. So fair will I remain until my death,
that I shall never gain woe from love of man."
"Now forswear this not too roundly," spake the mother in reply. "If
ever thou shalt wax glad of heart in this world, that will chance
through the love of man. Passing fair wilt thou become, if God grant
thee a right worthy knight."
"I pray you leave this speech," spake she, "my lady. Full oft hath it
been seen in many a wife, how joy may at last end in sorrow. I shall
avoid them both, then can it ne'er go ill with me."
Thus in her heart Kriemhild forsware all love. Many a happy day
thereafter the maiden lived without that she wist any whom she would
care to love. In after days she became with worship a valiant here's
bride. He was the selfsame falcon which she beheld in her dream that
her mother unfolded to her. How sorely did she avenge this upon her
nearest kin, who slew him after! Through his dying alone there fell
full many a mother's son.
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| User: "Nik" |
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| Title: Re: Asatru resources |
19 Sep 2003 04:46:50 PM |
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Nik <Fjuckwit@doper.com> wrote in
news:d71d0caa21f3c2c0a74823da15caeaef@news.cyclonews.com:
Those Damned Nazis
by Joseph Goebbels
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Why Are We Nationalists?
We are nationalists because we see the nation as the only way to bring all
the forces of the nation together to preserve and improve our existence and
the conditions under which we live.
The nation is the organic union of a people to protect its life. To be
national is to affirm this union in word and deed. To be national has
nothing to do with a form of government or a symbol. It is an affirmation
of things, not forms. Forms can change, their content remains. If form and
content agree, then the nationalist affirms both. If they conflict, the
nationalist fights for the content and against the form. One may not put
the symbol above the content. If that happens, the battle is on the wrong
field and one's strength is lost in formalism. The real aim of nationalism,
the nation, is lost.
That is how things are today in Germany. Nationalism has turned into
bourgeois patriotism and its defenders are battling windmills. One says
Germany and means the monarchy. Another proclaims freedom and means Black-
White-Red [The imperial colors]. Would our situation today be any different
if we replaced the republic with a monarchy and flew the black-white-red
flag? The colony would have different wallpaper, but its nature, its
content would stay the same. Indeed, things would be even worse, for a
facade that conceals the facts dissipates the forces today fighting against
slavery.
Explanation: A tied-up Nazi watches while a Jew reading the Berliner
Tageblatt, which the Nazis accused of being a Jewish paper, mistreats a
Germany chained to the Treaty of Versailles. The Jew is probably supposed
to be a journalist, since he is smearing Gemany with his pen. A Black
French colonial soldier and another figure (either a policeman or a Polish
soldier) assist.
Bourgeois patriotism is the privilege of a class. It is the real reason for
its decline. When 30 million are for something and 30 million are against
it, things balance out and nothing happens. That is how things are with us.
We are the world's Pariah not because we do not have the courage to resist,
rather because out entire national energy is wasted in eternal and
unproductive squabbling between the right and the left. Our way only goes
downward, and today one can already predict when we will fall into the
abyss.
Nationalism is more wide-reaching than internationalism. It sees things as
they are. Only he who respects himself can respect others. If as a German
nationalist I affirm Germany, how can I hold it against a French
nationalist who affirms France? Only when these affirmations conflict in
vital ways will there be a power-political struggle. Internationalism
cannot undo this reality. Its attempts at proof fail completely. And even
when the facts seem to have some validity, nature, blood, the will to life,
and the struggle for existence on this hard earth prove the falsity of fine
theories.
The sin of bourgeois patriotism was to confound a certain economic form
with the national. It connected two things that are entirely different.
Forms of the economy, however firm they may seem, are changeable. The
national is eternal. If I mix the eternal and the temporal, the eternal
will necessarily collapse when the temporal collapses. This was the real
cause for the collapse of liberal society. It was rooted not in the
eternal, but in the temporal, and when the temporal declined it took the
eternal down with it. Today it is only an excuse for a system that brings
growing economic misery. That is the only reason why international Jewry
organizes the battle of the proletarian forces against both powers, the
economy and the nation, and defeat them.
From this understanding, the young nationalism draws its absolute demand.
The faith in the nation is a matter for everyone, never a group, a class or
an economic clique. The eternal must be distinguished form the temporal.
Maintaining a rotten economic system has nothing to do with nationalism,
which is an affirmation of the Fatherland. I can love Germany and hate
capitalism. Not only can I, I must. Only the annihilation of a system of
exploitation carries with it the core of the rebirth of our people.
We are nationalists because as Germans, we love Germany. Because we love
Germany, we want to preserve it and fight against those who would destroy
it. If a Communist shouts "Down with nationalism!", he means the
hypocritical bourgeois patriotism that sees the economy only as a system of
slavery. If we make clear to the man of the left that nationalism and
capitalism, that is the affirmation of the Fatherland and the misuse of its
resources, have nothing to do with each other, indeed that they go together
like fire and water, then even as a socialist he will come to affirm the
nation, which he will want to conquer.
That is our real task as National Socialists. We were the first to
recognize the connections, and the first to begin the struggle. Because we
are socialists we have felt the deepest blessings of the nation, and
because we are nationalists we want to promote socialist justice in a new
Germany.
A young Fatherland will rise when the socialist front is firm.
Socialism will become reality when the Fatherland is free.
Why Are We Socialists?
We are socialists because we see in socialism, that is the union of all
citizens, the only chance to maintain our racial inheritance and to regain
our political freedom and renew our German state.
Socialism is the doctrine of liberation for the working class. It promotes
the rise of the fourth class and its incorporation in the political
organism of our Fatherland, and is inextricably bound to breaking the
present slavery and the regaining of German freedom. Socialism therefore is
not merely a matter of the oppressed class, but a matter for everyone, for
freeing the German people from slavery is the goal of contemporary policy.
Socialism gains its true form only through a total combat brotherhood with
the forward-striving energies of a newly awakened nationalism. Without
nationalism it is nothing, a phantom, a mere theory, a castle in the sky, a
book. With it it is everything, the future, freedom, the Fatherland!
The sin of liberal thinking was to overlook socialism's nation-building
strengths, thereby allowing its energies to go in anti-national directions.
The sin of Marxism was to degrade socialism into a question of wages and
the stomach, putting it in conflict with the state and its national
existence. An understanding of both these facts leads us to a new sense of
socialism, which sees its nature as nationalistic, state-building,
liberating and constructive.
The bourgeois is about to leave the historical stage. In its place will
come the class of productive workers, the working class, that has been up
until today oppressed. It is beginning to fulfill its political mission. It
is involved in a hard and bitter struggle for political power as it seeks
to become part of the national organism. The battle began in the economic
realm; it will finish in the political. It is not merely a matter of pay,
not only a matter of the number of hours worked in a day—though we may
never forget that these are an essential, perhaps even the most significant
part of the socialist platform—but it is much more a matter of
incorporating a powerful and responsible class in the state, perhaps even
to make it the dominant force in the future politics of the Fatherland. The
bourgeois does not want to recognize the strength of the working class.
Marxism has forced it into a straitjacket that will ruin it. While the
working class gradually disintegrates in the Marxist front, bleeding itself
dry, the bourgeois and Marxism have agreed on the general lines of
capitalism, and see their task now to protect and defend it in various
ways, often concealed.
We are socialists because we see the social question as a matter of
necessity and justice for the very existence of a state for our people, not
a question of cheap pity or insulting sentimentality. The worker has a
claim to a living standard that corresponds to what he produces. We have no
intention of begging for that right. Incorporating him in the state
organism is not only a critical matter for him, but for the whole nation.
The question is larger than the eight-hour day. It is a matter of forming a
new state consciousness that includes every productive citizen. Since the
political powers of the day are neither willing nor able to create such a
situation, socialism must be fought for. It is a fighting slogan both
inwardly and outwardly. It is aimed domestically at the bourgeois parties
and Marxism at the same time, because both are sworn enemies of the coming
workers' state. It is directed abroad at all powers that threaten our
national existence and thereby the possibility of the coming socialist
national state.
Explanation: "The thinking worker comes to Hitler," the caption says. A
Communist and a Socialist are accusing each other of betraying the working
class.
Socialism is possible only in a state that is united domestically and free
internationally. The bourgeois and Marxism are responsible for failing to
reach both goals, domestic unity and international freedom. No matter how
national and social these two forces present themselves, they are the sworn
enemies of a socialist national state.
We must therefore break both groups politically. The lines of German
socialism are sharp, and our path is clear.
We are against the political bourgeois, and for genuine nationalism!
We are against Marxism, but for true socialism!
We are for the first German national state of a socialist nature!
We are for the National Socialist German Workers Party!
Why a Workers' Party?
Work is not mankind's curse, but his blessing. A man becomes a man through
labor. It elevates him, makes him great and aware, raises him above all
other creatures. It is in the deepest sense creative, productive and
culture-producing. Without labor, no food. Without food, no life.
The idea that the dirtier one's hands get, the more degrading the work, is
a Jewish, not a German idea. As in every other area, the German first asks
how, then what. It is less a question of the position I fill, and more a
question of how well I do the duty that God has given me.
We call ourselves a workers' party because we want to rescue the word work
from its current definition and give it back its original meaning. Anyone
who creates value is a creator, that is, a worker. We refuse to distinguish
kinds of work. Our only standard is whether the work serves the whole, or
at least does not harm it, or if it is harmful. Work is service. If it
works against the general welfare, then it is treason against the
Fatherland.
Marxist nonsense claimed to free labor, yet it degraded the work of its
members and saw it as a curse and disgrace. It can hardly be our goal to
abolish labor, rather to give new meaning and content. The worker in a
capitalist state—and that is his deepest misfortune—is no longer a living
human being, a creator, a maker.
He has become a machine. A number, a cog in the machine without sense or
understanding. He is alienated from what he produces. Labor is for him only
a way to survive, not a path to higher blessings, not a joy, not something
in which to take pride, or satisfaction, or encouragement, or a way to
build character.
We are a workers' party because we see in the coming battle between finance
and labor the beginning and the end of the structure of the Twentieth
Century. We are on the side of labor and against finance. Money is the
measuring rod of liberalism, work and accomplishment that of the socialist
state. The liberal asks: What are you? The socialist asks: Who are you?
Worlds lie between.
We do not want to make everyone the same. Nor do we want levels in the
population, high and low, above and below. The aristocracy of the coming
state will be determined not by possessions or money, but only on the
quality of one's accomplishments. One earns merit through service. Men are
distinguished by the results of their labor. That is the sure sign of the
character and value of a person. The value of labor under socialism will be
determined by its value to the state, to the whole community. Labor means
creating value, not haggling over things. The soldier is a worker when he
bears the sword to protect the national economy. The statesman too is a
worker when he gives the nation a form and a will that leads it to produce
what it needs for life and freedom.
A furrowed brow is as much a sign of labor as a powerful fist. A white
collar worker should not be ashamed to claim with pride that of which the
manual laborer boasts: labor. The relations between these two groups
determine their mutual fate. Neither can survive without the other, for
both are members of an organism that they must together maintain if they
are to defend and expand their right to exist.
We call ourselves a workers' party because we want to free labor from the
chains of capitalism and Marxism. In battling for Germany's future, we
freely admit to it, and accept the odium from the liberal bourgeois that
results. We know that we will succeed in bringing new blessings out of
their curses.
God gave the nations territory to grow grain. The seed becomes grain and
the grain becomes bread. The middleman of it all is labor.
He who despises labor but accepts its benefits is a hypocrite.
That is the deepest meaning of our movement: it gives things back their
original significance, unconcerned that today they may be in danger of
sinking into the swamp of a collapsing worldview.
He who creates value works, and is a worker. A movement that wants to free
labor is a workers' party.
Therefore we National Socialists call ourselves a worker's party.
When our victorious flags fly before us, we sing:
"We are the army of the Swastika,
Raise high the red flags!
We want to clear the way to freedom
For German Labor!"
Why Do We Oppose the Jews?
We oppose the Jews because we are defending the freedom of the German
people. The Jew is the cause and beneficiary of our slavery He has misused
the social misery of the broad masses to deepen the dreadful split between
the right and left of our people, to divide Germany into two halves thereby
concealing the true reason for the loss of the Great War and falsifying the
nature of the revolution.
Explanation: The caption says "Awakening Germany. You're through! We see
behind all your masks." In the cartoon, Jews are concealed as a Christian,
a German citizen, a nationalist Jew and a harmless passer by.
The Jew has no interest in solving the German question. He cannot have such
an interest. He depends on it remaining unsolved. If the German people
formed a united community and won back its freedom, there would be no place
any longer for the Jew. His hand is strongest when a people lives in
domestic and international slavery, not when it is free, industrious, self-
aware and determined. The Jew had caused our problems, and lives from them.
That is why we oppose the Jew as nationalists and as socialists. He has
ruined our race, corrupted our morals, hollowed out our customs and broken
our strength. We owe it to him that we today are the Pariah of the world.
He was the leper among as long as we were German. When we forgot our German
nature, he triumphed over us and our future.
The Jew is the plastic demon of decomposition. Where he finds filth and
decay, he surfaces and begins his butcher's work among the nations. He
hides behind a mask and presents himself as a friend to his victims, and
before they know it he has broken their neck.
The Jew is uncreative. He produces nothing, he only haggles with products.
With rags, clothing, pictures, jewels, grain, stocks, cures, peoples and
states. He has somehow stolen everything he deals in. When he attacks a
state he is a revolutionary. As soon as he holds power, he preaches peace
and order so that he can devour his conquests in comfort.
What does anti-Semitism have to do with socialism? I would put the question
this way: What does the Jew have to do with socialism? Socialism has to do
with labor. When did one ever see him working instead of plundering,
stealing and living from the sweat of others? As socialists we are
opponents of the Jews because we see in the Hebrews the incarnation of
capitalism, of the misuse of the nation's goods.
What does anti-Semitism have to do with nationalism? I would put the
question this way: What does the Jew have to do with nationalism?
Nationalism has to do with blood and race. The Jew is the enemy and
destroyer of the purity of blood, the conscious destroyer of our race. As
nationalists we oppose the Jews because we see the Hebrews as the eternal
enemy of our national honor and of our national freedom.
But the Jew after all is also a human being. Certainly, none of us doubts
that. We only doubt that he is a decent human being. He does not get along
with us. He lives by other laws than we do. The fact that he is a human
being is not sufficient reason for us to allow him to subject us in
inhumane ways. He may be a human being—but what kind of a human being is
he! If someone slaps your mother in the face, do you say: "Thank you! He is
after all a human being!" That is not a human being, it is a monster. Yet
how much worse has the Jew done to our mother Germany, and is still doing
today!
There are also white Jews. True, there are scoundrels among us, even though
they are Germans, who act in immoral ways against their own racial and
blood comrades. But why do we call them white Jews? You use the term to
describe something inferior and contemptible. Just as we do. Why do you ask
us why we oppose the Jews when you without knowing it are one too?
Anti-Semitism is not Christian. That means that it is Christian to allow
the Jews to go on as they are, stripping the skin from our bodies and
mocking us. To be a Christian means to love one's neighbor as oneself! My
neighbor is my racial and blood brother. If I love him I have to hate his
enemies. He who thinks German must despise the Jews. The one requires the
other.
Christ himself saw that love did not always work. When he found the
moneychangers in the Temple, he did not say: "Children, love one another!"
He took up a whip and drove them out.
We oppose the Jews because we affirm the German people. The Jew is our
greatest misfortune.
It is not true that we have Jews for breakfast.
It is true that slowly but surely, he is stealing all that we have.
Things would be different if we behaved as Germans.
Revolutionary Demands
We do not enter parliament to use parliamentary methods. We know that the
fate of peoples is determined by personalities, never by parliamentary
majorities. The essence of parliamentary democracy is the majority, which
destroys personal responsibility and glorifies the masses. A few dozen
rogues and crooks run things behind the scenes. Aristocracy depends on
accomplishment, the rule of the most able, and the subordination of the
less capable to the will of the leadership. Any form of government—no
matter how democratic or aristocratic it may outwardly appear—rests on
compulsion. The difference is only whether the compulsion is a blessing or
a curse for the community.
What we demand is new, decisive and radical, revolutionary in the truest
sense of the word. That has nothing to do with rioting and barricades. It
may be that that happens here or there. But it is is not an inherent part
of the process. Revolutions are spiritual acts. They appear first in
people, then in politics and the economy. New people form new structures.
The transformation we want is first of all spiritual; that will necessarily
change the way things are.
This revolutionary act is beginning to be visible in us. The result is a
new type of person visible to the knowing eye: the National Socialist.
Consistent with his spiritual attitude, the National Socialist makes
uncompromising demands in politics. There is no if and when for him, only
an either—or.
He demands:
The return of German honor. Without honor, one has no right to life. A
nation that has pawned its honor has pawned its bread. Honor is the
foundation of any people's community. Losing our honor is the true cause of
the loss of our freedom.
In place of a slave colony, we want a restored German national state. The
state is not an end in itself for us, rather a means to an end. The true
end is the race, the sum of all the living, creative forces of the people.
The structure that today calls itself the German republic is not a way to
maintain our racial inheritance. It has become an end in itself with no
real connection to the people and their needs. We want to abolish the slave
colony and replace it with a people's state in freedom.
Want work and bread for every productive national and blood comrade. Pay
should be according to accomplishment. That means more pay for German
workers! That will stop the senseless fighting in which we engage today.
First provide housing and food for the people, then pay reparations! No
Democrat, no Republican, has the right to complain about this demand, for
it was first raised by a banner carrier of November Germany [the Weimar
Republic, beginning in November 1918]. We only want to make the slogan a
reality.
Provide essentials first! First we must meet the critical needs of the
people, then we can produce luxury goods. Provide work for those willing to
work! Give the farmers land! The German foreign policy that today sells
what we have at below-market rates must be completely transformed and must
focus radically on the German need for space, drawing the necessary power-
political conclusions.
Peace among productive workers! Each should do his duty for the good of the
whole community. The state then has the responsibility of protecting the
individual, guaranteeing him the fruits of his labor. The people's
community must not be a mere phrase, but a revolutionary achievement
following from the radical carrying out of the basic life needs of the
working class.
A ruthless battle against corruption! A war against exploitation, freedom
for the workers! The elimination of all economic-capitalist influences on
national policy.
A solution to the Jewish question! We call for the systematic elimination
of foreign racial elements from public life in every area. There must be a
sanitary separation between Germans and non-Germans on racial grounds
exclusively, not on nationality or even religious belief.
Down with democratic parliamentarianism! Establish a parliament based on
occupations which determines production. Policies will be determined by a
political body that earns is place by the laws of strength and selection.
The return of loyalty and faith in economic life. The complete reversal of
the injustice that has robbed millions of Germans of their possessions.
The right of personality before that of the mob. Germans always will have
preference before foreigners and Jews.
A battle against the destructive poison of international Jewish culture! A
strengthening of German forces and German customs. The elimination of
corrupt Semitic principles and racial decay.
The death penalty for crimes against the people! The gallows for profiteers
and usurers!
An uncompromising program implemented by men who will implement it
passionately. No slogans, only living energy.
That is what we demand!
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