Democrats wrestle with religion
Presidential hopefuls mostly silent on their religious views
Sen. Joe Lieberman is one of only two Democratic presidential hopefuls
who frequently talk about God. Al Sharpton, an ordained minister, is
the other.
By Jim VandeHei
THE WASHINGTON POST
Nov. 27 — The nine Democratic presidential candidates all consider
themselves religious, though most keep their faith and spiritual views
to themselves when campaigning.
THEIR SILENCE stands in contrast to President Bush, among the
most overtly religious presidents in generations, and could undermine
the Democratic nominee, as polls consistently show that voters want to
hear more about faith from their national leaders.
Democrats "have been very hesitant to talk about faith . . .
and in doing so we have lost a connection with a lot of people," said
Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman (Conn.), an Orthodox Jew and one of only two
candidates who frequently talk about God. Long-shot candidate Al
Sharpton, an ordained minister, is the other. "Democrats ought to pay
attention to the fact that the two Democrats who have been elected
president since [Lyndon] Johnson were Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton .
.. . and both talked a lot about their faith," Lieberman said.
In interviews, most of the candidates said they are
uncomfortable discussing their faith as publicly as Bush does or
Clinton did. Yet most agreed the party must do a better job of
connecting with religious voters, or risk not winning the White House
in 2004.
Voters "want leaders, particularly a president, who they trust
and who they think is a good person," said Sen. John Edwards (N.C.),
who was baptized a Southern Baptist at age 16 but has joined the
Methodist Church. "If you are a person of faith, I think it adds
weight to that issue of whether you are a good person."
BORN-AGAIN BUSH
Bush's faith plays a big part in his political strength,
pollsters say, as he receives high marks from the public for providing
moral and trustworthy leadership. Bush is a born-again Christian who
frequently studies the Bible, prays and candidly discusses his faith
in God.
"If you can connect with people spiritually, that is an
important connection," said retired Gen. Wesley K. Clark, a Catholic
who frequently attends Presbyterian services. "That's what George Bush
tries to do."
Clark, in one respect, is trying to emulate Bush: He recently
talked in depth about his faith for the ecumenical Web site Beliefnet.
An overwhelming majority of Americans consider themselves
religious. A recent poll conducted by the nonpartisan Pew Research
Center found that nearly 70 percent of Democrats and 80 percent of
Republicans expressed strong religious beliefs when asked questions
designed to measure these attitudes.
A Pew study in June found that nearly twice as many respondents
said "There has been too little reference to religious faith and
prayer by politicians" (41 percent) than said "There has been too
much" (21 percent). While Bush is sometimes criticized for his
references to New Testament theology, only 14 percent said he mentions
faith too often; nearly two-thirds said he is striking the right
balance. What voters said they do not want are politicians who
obviously pander or moralize.
In a recent briefing for national, state and local politicians,
the centrist Democratic Leadership Council cited Bush as a model for
how to talk about religion without offending voters. The DLC's policy
director, Ed Kilgore, told the audience that "natural use of
scriptural language and allegories connects with people of faith," and
he urged them to "connect policies with religious values." For
example, they should talk about "God's green Earth" when advocating
environmental policies, he said.
Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.), a Catholic, said Bush sometimes
mixes too much of his religion into his administration's policies.
"The faith-based initiative crossed that line overtly," Kerry said.
Bush's base includes conservative white Evangelicals, those
Christians who, among other things, see abortion and homosexuality as
going against the Bible. They have become an increasingly powerful and
loyal voting bloc for the GOP over the past two decades and are
unlikely to vote for any candidate who does not share their religious
and cultural beliefs.
COURTING EVANGELICALS
Bush is relentless in courting these voters and frequently
sprinkles his speeches with references to New Testament teachings.
When asked about gay marriage at a news conference, he said, "I
caution those who may try to take the speck out of their neighbor's
eye when they got a log in their own." To the secular voter, this may
sound odd. To Evangelicals and other Christians, it is a reminder
straight from the Gospel of Luke to be careful not to judge, lest be
judged.
Karl Rove, Bush's top political strategist, tends to this flock
of voters, meeting with Christian leaders and communicating through
Christian publications such as World magazine, which often features
interviews with top White House officials.
Democrats do not anticipate breaking through to these voters,
though even a small shift could make a difference in states such as
Tennessee, Virginia and Florida, where a few thousand votes could
decide next year's winner. But there are millions of devout
Christians, Jews and Muslims who desire a candidate of faith and do
not cling as tightly to litmus-test issues such as gay rights and
abortion.
Political scientists have coined names for two groups of swing
religious voters: "freestyle Evangelicals," who tend to be suburban,
socially conservative and politically independent, and "convertible
Catholics," who tend to be culturally moderate to conservative and
committed to social justice. The candidates are also looking to
increase their support among black Christians, many of whom are
socially conservative on issues such as gay rights and school choice.
Clinton and Carter were popular with this group; Bush's efforts to
make similar inroads have largely failed, according to polls.
In some ways, Democrats see their opening revealed in the
philosophical splits dividing the Episcopal and Catholic churches in
the United States. On the one side are conservative Christians who
interpret the Bible more literally and see abortion and homosexuality
as incompatible with scripture and, therefore, incompatible with their
political views. This group leans strongly Republican, pollsters say.
On the other side are the millions of Episcopalians who supported the
confirmation of an openly gay bishop in New Hampshire and Catholics
who support abortion rights. These voters are considered very gettable
for Democrats. Al Gore narrowly won the Catholic vote in the 2000
election.
This is the camp the Democratic candidates mostly fall into. In
interviews, those candidates who described themselves as Christians
said homosexuality and abortion are not sinful, and all described the
New Testament as focused on helping the poor and needy. They mostly
talked about it as a broad guide of principles not to be taken too
literally. It is a very "different set of teachings some in the more
fundamentalist parts talk about," said Rep. Richard A. Gephardt (Mo.),
a Baptist who once considered joining the seminary.
Former Vermont governor Howard Dean — a Congregationalist
Christian who said he prays almost daily and reads the Bible but
rarely attends church these days unless it is for a political event —
compared some fundamentalist leaders to the Pharisees, an ancient
Jewish sect that emphasized strict interpretation and observance of
religious law but who have come to be associated with
self-righteousness.
‘BIBLE ISN'T FIXATED ON HOMOSEXUALITY'
The trick for Democrats, Dean said, is to push the debate
beyond abortion and gay rights, which he believes are the two biggest
issues dividing Democrats from many Evangelicals and Catholics. "The
Bible isn't fixated on homosexuality. We shouldn't be either," said
Dean, who said he has read the Bible from cover to cover.
Some Democrats think Dean, the top fundraiser in the field,
would have a harder time than others defeating Bush in the South
because he is so closely affiliated with gay rights, which is
replacing abortion as the top target for some religious conservatives.
As governor, he signed the nation's first civil unions law. In Houston
recently, Dean tested a new line that some Democrats see as offensive
to some religious voters he is courting. "We've got to stop voting on
guns, gods, gays and school prayer," he told the crowd.
As part of his strategy to broaden his appeal, Dean has started
spreading a secular political message at black churches after singing
and swaying along with gospel choirs and praying with mostly black
congregations.
"Democrats should not write off communities of faith, including
Evangelicals," Dean said. If he wins the nomination, Dean said, he
will seek "common ground" with Christians on helping the poor get
jobs, housing and health insurance.
"Democrats have to tip their hat to religion," said Andrew
Kohut of Pew. "But they also have to acknowledge their own base takes
a different view on social issues than highly religious voters do.
That's the dance they have to do."
Not only were most of the Democrats raised to practice a quiet
faith, they also are seeking the nomination of an eclectic party that
includes Catholics, Protestants, Muslims, a high percentage of Jews,
and a large number of atheists and agnostics. During campaign
appearances this year, the party's activists frequently expressed
strong feelings about the mixing of church and state, which makes some
candidates wary of talking too much about their religious views.
This has left most of the candidates silent on spirituality.
Take Edwards. The senator drifted away from religion during his
college days but found God in a powerful way after his 16-year-old
son, Wade, died in a car accident in 1996. Soon after, Edwards, whose
father is a deacon, intensified his study of the Bible, including with
his Senate colleagues, and co-chaired a national prayer breakfast. His
faith came "roaring back," he said. By his admission, though, he talks
about his faith only when asked and is "very, very careful" not to
allow his faith to guide his policies. "Most people in this country do
not want you to be beating them over their heads with your religious
views," Edwards said.
Researcher Lucy Shackelford contributed to this report.
© 2003 The Washington Post Company
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