| Topic: |
Religions > Atheism |
| User: |
"J Young" |
| Date: |
17 Mar 2006 08:48:58 PM |
| Object: |
Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she doesn't
believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the 'right' guy, you
just might convert.
http://www.californian.com/articles/2006/03/16/news/top_stories/21_30_273_15_06.txt
Court lets Vista doctors use religious beliefs as defense
SAN DIEGO ---- Two Vista doctors can argue to a jury that they did not
violate an Oceanside lesbian's civil rights when they refused to
artificially inseminate her, a state appeals court ruled Tuesday.
The doctors may argue that their religious beliefs prohibited them from
artificially inseminating any unmarried women regardless of their sexual
orientation, the court ruled.
The state's 4th District Court of Appeal reached the same conclusion in a
separate decision in December, but at the request of attorneys for the woman
agreed to receive additional legal briefs and reconsider that ruling,
resulting in Tuesday's decision.
The case appears to be the first in the country in which a gay or lesbian
patient was allowed to sue doctors over charges that treatment was denied
based on sexual orientation.
--
" The truth shall set you free "
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| User: "No One" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
17 Mar 2006 09:13:48 PM |
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"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> writes:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she doesn't
believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the 'right' guy, you
just might convert.
SAN DIEGO ---- Two Vista doctors can argue to a jury that they did not
violate an Oceanside lesbian's civil rights when they refused to
artificially inseminate her, a state appeals court ruled Tuesday.
The doctors may argue that their religious beliefs prohibited them from
artificially inseminating any unmarried women regardless of their sexual
orientation, the court ruled.
J. Young got that one wrong as well: the state appeals court merely
ruled that the doctors have a right to run their argument by a jury.
The actual issue (Young did not quote the relevant part of the
article) was:
The appeals court opinion stated that a jury must decide why
the doctors would not inseminate Benitez.
The state's civil rights law, known as the Unruh Act,
prohibited discrimination based on sexual orientation but did
not protect against discrimination based on marital status at
the time the insemination was to have occurred, the appeals
court opinion stated.
As a result, if a jury decided the doctors refused to
artificially inseminate Benitez only because she was not
married, Benitez would lose that part of her lawsuit, the
appeals court ruled.
The appeals court ruled that the doctors can present evidence
that "their religious beliefs prohibited them from performing
(intrauterine insemination) on any unmarried woman, regardless
of the woman's sexual orientation."
After hearing oral arguments in the case in October, state
appeals court Associate Justice Gilbert Nares told both sides
that he believed the case eventually will reach the
U.S. Supreme Court.
Also, the ruling suggests there were some changes to the law after the
incident occurred, so the doctors could find themselves in a different
situation if they tried it again.
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| User: "navi-gater" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
18 Mar 2006 06:37:48 AM |
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"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one. Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people on the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed to not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
gater.
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| User: "Andrealphus" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
18 Mar 2006 06:40:13 AM |
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In News Xns978A802A25CA3thegatenet@80.5.182.99,, navi-gater at
gater@the-gate.net, typed this:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one.
Lesbians should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I
think I'd extend the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people
on the planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed to
not want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand
the heat get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the
conception then what makes you think you'll stand the birth and child
raising?
gater.
Just as a reality check, many of the women that do "stand the heat" of
conception are lousy parents.
--
Question with boldness even the existence of god; because if there be
one, he must more approve the homage of reason than that of blindfolded
fear. – Thomas Jefferson
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| User: "navi-gater" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
19 Mar 2006 03:42:39 PM |
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"Andrealphus" <NOREALEMAIL11@THISADDRESS.FOAD> wrote in news:NcTSf.5848
$sL2.4667@newsread2.news.atl.earthlink.net:
Just as a reality check, many of the women that do "stand the heat" of
conception are lousy parents.
Absolutely and I ahve nothing at all against homosexuals adopting children
or even bringing up their own.
gater.
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| User: "655321" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
19 Mar 2006 07:03:18 PM |
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In article <Xns978A802A25CA3thegatenet@80.5.182.99>,
"navi-gater" <gater@the-gate.net> wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one.
Well, if you're against discrimination, then you are not with the
monkey.
Lesbians should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I
think I'd extend the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
Well, that's nice. A tad authoritarian, to be sure. Just what we need:
our government banning yet one more thing.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people on the
planet as it is.
That much may be true (and I'm not agreeing that it is), but that it
does not clearly follow that artificial insemination should be
restricted.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed to not
want children also.
From what hat did you pull that little bit of illogic, eh? That's non
sequitur fallacy number two in two paragraphs. Let's see if there are
more.
No pain no gain, right?
That's three. What point does this little cliché contribute to your
"point," exactly?
- if you can't stand the heat get out of the kitchen etc.
There's four.
If you can't stand the conception then what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
That's five. Amazing. A non sequitur in every sentence.
655321
--
655321
"There is no America; there is no democracy. There is only IBM, and ITT, and
AT&T, and DuPont, Dow, Union Carbide, and Exxon. Those are the nations of the
world today." -- Arthur Jensen, 'Network' (1976)
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| User: "Bonnie Bitch" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
19 Mar 2006 01:27:16 AM |
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On Sat, 18 Mar 2006 12:37:48 GMT, the faaaaabulous supreme deity
Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, Ruler of the heavens and host of fab parties,
opened the heavens and shone his light upon the wisdom of "navi-gater"
<gater@the-gate.net>
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one. Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people on the
planet as it is.
That's a lovely thought, were it not for the *****-*****
christstains screeching about gay couples adopting and doing
everything in your power to prevent our adopting, short of kidnapping
the kid and placing him/her with a wonderful christstain parent, like
Andrea Yates.
<snip remainder where gater obviously went very woo-woo>
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| User: "LAmazone" |
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| Title: Re: Lesbian must do it the old-fashioned way |
18 Mar 2006 09:19:06 AM |
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navi-gater wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one. Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people on the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed to not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
Many of us naturally prefer women over mena and do or did want children.
As for the silly idea that we must experience a penis in us to earn the right
to have a children, that si simply foolish and sick, a misogynistic put down
from some neanderthal who no doubt thinks he has just the tiny penis to cure us
all...
gater.
--
Natalie Clifford Barney
Membre; L' Academie des Femmes
One of the Lesbian Immortals of the Left Bank
We never die....
"If too little of the love I invoke appears in this book, it is because I have
better spent it elsewhere. Here there remain only fragments."
.
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| User: "Stan de SD" |
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| Title: Militant lesbians insist that society must subsidize their self-destructive social pathology... |
18 Mar 2006 10:58:27 AM |
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"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C24E4.46019C24@20RueJacob.fr...
navi-gater wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one. Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people on
the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed to
not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the
heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
Many of us naturally prefer women over mena and do or did want children.
As for the silly idea that we must experience a penis in us to earn the
right
to have a children, that si simply foolish and sick, a misogynistic put
down
from some neanderthal who no doubt thinks he has just the tiny penis to
cure us
all...
The fact that children raised in fatherless families tend to have more
problems, do worse in school, and have higher incidences of criminality
later in life doesn't bother you, does it? I guess your assumed "right" to
raise kids with 2 mommies so you can flaunt about how you don't want or need
men is far more important than the welfare of the kids you would bring into
the world... :O|
.
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| User: "Jos Flachs" |
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| Title: Re: Militant lesbians insist that society must subsidize their self-destructive social pathology... |
18 Mar 2006 06:43:47 PM |
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On Sat, 18 Mar 2006 08:58:27 -0800, "Stan de SD"
<standesd_DIGA_NO_A_SPAM@covad.net> wrote:
The fact that children raised in fatherless families tend to have more
problems, do worse in school, and have higher incidences of criminality
later in life doesn't bother you, does it?
It certainly does. So let's make Mr. Young happy by forbidding
divorce.
I guess your assumed "right" to
raise kids with 2 mommies so you can flaunt about how you don't want or need
men is far more important than the welfare of the kids you would bring into
the world... :O|
Single mothers or fathers are unknown to you? Perhaps the idea of a
mum with every week another dad isn't bothering you?
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| User: "LAmazone" |
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| Title: Re: Militant lesbians insist that society must subsidize theirself-destructive social pathology... |
18 Mar 2006 11:42:32 AM |
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Stan de SD wrote:
"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C24E4.46019C24@20RueJacob.fr...
navi-gater wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one. Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people on
the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed to
not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the
heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
Many of us naturally prefer women over mena and do or did want children.
As for the silly idea that we must experience a penis in us to earn the
right
to have a children, that si simply foolish and sick, a misogynistic put
down
from some neanderthal who no doubt thinks he has just the tiny penis to
cure us
all...
The fact that children raised in fatherless families tend to have more
problems, do worse in school, and have higher incidences of criminality
later in life doesn't bother you, does it? I guess your assumed "right" to
raise kids with 2 mommies so you can flaunt about how you don't want or need
men is far more important than the welfare of the kids you would bring into
the world... :O|
That is not substantiated by peer reviewed studies that looked at stable Lesbian
families and compared them with straight families.
--
Natalie Clifford Barney
Membre; L' Academie des Femmes
One of the Lesbian Immortals of the Left Bank
We never die....
"If too little of the love I invoke appears in this book, it is because I have
better spent it elsewhere. Here there remain only fragments."
.
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| User: "Stan de SD" |
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| Title: Re: Militant lesbians insist that society must subsidize their self-destructive social pathology... |
18 Mar 2006 12:21:33 PM |
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"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C4682.2A903E4F@20RueJacob.fr...
Stan de SD wrote:
"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C24E4.46019C24@20RueJacob.fr...
navi-gater wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one.
Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd
extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people
on
the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to
prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed
to
not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the
heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then
what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
Many of us naturally prefer women over mena and do or did want
children.
As for the silly idea that we must experience a penis in us to earn
the
right
to have a children, that si simply foolish and sick, a misogynistic
put
down
from some neanderthal who no doubt thinks he has just the tiny penis
to
cure us
all...
The fact that children raised in fatherless families tend to have more
problems, do worse in school, and have higher incidences of criminality
later in life doesn't bother you, does it? I guess your assumed "right"
to
raise kids with 2 mommies so you can flaunt about how you don't want or
need
men is far more important than the welfare of the kids you would bring
into
the world... :O|
That is not substantiated by peer reviewed studies that looked at stable
Lesbian
families and compared them with straight families.
Oh, really? How about providing some sources and cites for us? I can present
plenty of cites showing how gay and lesbian relationships are far less
healthy than heterosexual ones:
Depending on the survey, 17% - 46% of lesbians & gay men report abuse by a
current or former partner. Elliott, P., Shattering illusions: Same-sex
domestic violence. In Violence in Gay and Lesbian Domestic Partnerships, ed.
C.M. Renzetti & C.H. Miley, pg 1-8, Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press: 1996.
http://www.opdv.state.ny.us/about_dv/dataweb2003.html
Reports of LGBT Domestic Violence on the Rise
by Jon Garbo
The number of reported incidents of domestic violence among LGBT couples in
1999 rose 23 percent from 1998 figures, according to the fourth annual
report on LGBT domestic violence by the National Coalition of Anti-Violence
Programs (NCAVP), a network of US advocacy groups.
The NCAVP documented 3,120 incidents of LGBT domestic violence last year,
based on statistics from San Francisco, New York City, Chicago, Boston, Los
Angeles, Colorado, Cleveland and Columbus, Ohio.
"While significant for what it reveals about the broader incidence of
domestic violence in the LGTB community, the rise in reported case numbers
should not be interpreted to reflect an absolute increase in the incidence
of such violence overall," according to the study. Enhancements in staffing,
program capacity and improved outreach efforts may have contributed to the
higher numbers, the study said.
Incidents were tallied based on calls NCAVP affiliate organizations received
from people looking for services or support, explained Emily Pitt, MSW,
domestic violence advocate at Boston's Fenway Community Health, an NCAVP
affiliate. The report did not examine police surveillance data because, said
Pitt, "people in our community are less likely to think of the police as
something that's helpful, and are more likely to report domestic violence to
someone who's LGBT-sensitive."
The report found that incidents of domestic violence are roughly split
between gay men and women. Race was divided less equally: 45 percent of the
abused were Caucasian, 17 percent were Latin, 11 percent were
African-American and 4 percent were Asian/ Pacific Island. Forty-four
percent of the abused were between the ages of 30 to 44, 21 percent were 23
to 29, 12 percent were 45 to 64, 4 percent were 18 to 22 and 1 percent were
under 18 or over 65.
The accuracy of the report may be difficult to gauge, however, because LGBT
domestic violence often goes unreported. "We believe the actual number of
cases is much higher than is reflected in this report," said Pitt. This may
be especially true of transgenders, who made up only around three percent of
report's total incidents. "The extraordinary low rates of reporting among
transgender-identified victims may be attributable to the perceived or
actual lack of appropriate resources to serve them," the study said.
There are a variety of reasons LGBT people may be reluctant to report
domestic violence, said Pitt. These include "fear of being outed, fear of
the police or the courts, lack of services. and/ or lack of understanding
that domestic violence is not just about abuse between a man and a woman,
but can include same-sex relationships," she added.
http://www.gayhealth.com/templates/114270596921852751728/news/?record=271&trycookie=1?record=271
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| User: "Boy Toy" |
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| Title: Re: Militant lesbians insist that society must subsidize their self-destructive social pathology... |
18 Mar 2006 02:27:42 PM |
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On Sat, 18 Mar 2006 10:21:33 -0800, "Stan de SD"
<standesd_DIGA_NO_A_SPAM@covad.net> wrote in message
<25138$441c4f64$45035f0b$30897@msgid.meganewsservers.com>
"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C4682.2A903E4F@20RueJacob.fr...
Stan de SD wrote:
"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C24E4.46019C24@20RueJacob.fr...
navi-gater wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one.
Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd
extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people
on
the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to
prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed
to
not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the
heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then
what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
Many of us naturally prefer women over mena and do or did want
children.
As for the silly idea that we must experience a penis in us to earn
the
right
to have a children, that si simply foolish and sick, a misogynistic
put
down
from some neanderthal who no doubt thinks he has just the tiny penis
to
cure us
all...
The fact that children raised in fatherless families tend to have more
problems, do worse in school, and have higher incidences of criminality
later in life doesn't bother you, does it? I guess your assumed "right"
to
raise kids with 2 mommies so you can flaunt about how you don't want or
need
men is far more important than the welfare of the kids you would bring
into
the world... :O|
That is not substantiated by peer reviewed studies that looked at stable
Lesbian
families and compared them with straight families.
Oh, really? How about providing some sources and cites for us? I can present
plenty of cites showing how gay and lesbian relationships are far less
healthy than heterosexual ones:
Lots, eh? Since you're offering, let's see them. From peer reviewed
reputable journals please, not just some FRC et.al. website.
.
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| User: "LAmazone" |
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| Title: Re: Militant lesbians insist that society must subsidize theirself-destructive social pathology... |
18 Mar 2006 01:08:59 PM |
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Stan de SD wrote:
"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C4682.2A903E4F@20RueJacob.fr...
Stan de SD wrote:
"L'Amazone" <SalonHostess@20RueJacob.fr> wrote in message
news:441C24E4.46019C24@20RueJacob.fr...
navi-gater wrote:
"J Young" <youngopinions@aol.com> wrote in
news:RLadndy39eiu6IbZRVn-pw@giganews.com:
Sorry girls, but a doctor cannot be compelled to do what he/she
doesn't believe is right. Look at the bright side; if you meet the
'right' guy, you just might convert.
Actually, I'm with J Young's cut and paste monkey on this one.
Lesbians
should not be given artifical insemination. Although, I think I'd
extend
the prohibition to heterosexuals too.
After all, there are plenty of children to adopt and too many people
on
the
planet as it is.
For Lesbians in particular, they are "naturally" predisposed to
prefer
women over men, surely that means they are "naturally" predisposed
to
not
want children also. No pain no gain, right? - if you can't stand the
heat
get out of the kitchen etc. If you can't stand the conception then
what
makes you think you'll stand the birth and child raising?
Many of us naturally prefer women over mena and do or did want
children.
As for the silly idea that we must experience a penis in us to earn
the
right
to have a children, that si simply foolish and sick, a misogynistic
put
down
from some neanderthal who no doubt thinks he has just the tiny penis
to
cure us
all...
The fact that children raised in fatherless families tend to have more
problems, do worse in school, and have higher incidences of criminality
later in life doesn't bother you, does it? I guess your assumed "right"
to
raise kids with 2 mommies so you can flaunt about how you don't want or
need
men is far more important than the welfare of the kids you would bring
into
the world... :O|
That is not substantiated by peer reviewed studies that looked at stable
Lesbian
families and compared them with straight families.
Oh, really? How about providing some sources and cites for us? I can present
plenty of cites showing how gay and lesbian relationships are far less
healthy than heterosexual ones:
I was discussing stable Lesbian families....
And here is no way to get an accurate account of g/l violence ince many stable couples live closeted
or stealth lives.....
That would make the percentage perforce lower...
Source fot eh following is the American Psychological Association culled from published, replicated,
peer reviewed studies:
Gender identity. In studies of children ranging in age from 5 to 14, results of projective testing
and related interview procedures have revealed normal development of gender identity among children
of lesbian mothers (Green, 1978; Green, Mandel, Hotvedt, Gray, & Smith, 1986; Kirkpatrick, Smith, &
Roy, 1981). More direct assessment techniques to assess gender identity have been used by Golombok,
Spencer, and Rutter (1983) with the same result; all children in this study reported that they were
happy with their gender, and that they had no wish to be a member of the opposite sex. There was no
evidence in any of the studies of gender identity difficulties among children of lesbian mothers. No
data have been reported in this area for children of gay fathers.
Gender-Role Behavior. A number of studies have examined gender-role behavior among the offspring of
lesbian mothers (Golombok et al., 1983; Gottman, 1990; Green, 1978; Hoeffer, 1981; Kirkpatrick et
al., 1981; Patterson, 1994a). These studies reported that such behavior among children of lesbian
mothers fell within typical limits for conventional sex roles. For instance, Kirkpatrick and her
colleagues (1981) found no differences between children of lesbian versus heterosexual mothers in
toy preferences, activities, interests, or occupational choices.
Rees (1979) administered the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) to 24 adolescents, half of whom had
divorced lesbian and half of whom had divorced heterosexual mothers. The BSRI yields scores on
masculinity and femininity as independent factors and an androgyny score from the ratio of
masculinity to femininity. Children of lesbian and heterosexual mothers did not differ on
masculinity or on androgyny, but children of lesbian mothers reported greater psychological
femininity than did those of heterosexual mothers. This result would seem to run counter to
expectations based on stereotypes of lesbians as lacking in femininity, both in their own demeanor
and in their likely influences on children.
Sex role behavior of children was also assessed by Green and his colleagues (1986). In interviews
with the children, no differences between 56 children of lesbian and 48 children of heterosexual
mothers were found with respect to favorite television programs, favorite television characters, or
favorite games or toys. There was some indication in interviews with children themselves that the
offspring of lesbian mothers had less sex-typed preferences for activities at school and in their
neighborhoods than did children of heterosexual mothers. Consistent with this result, lesbian
mothers were also more likely than heterosexual mothers to report that their daughters often
participated in rough-and-tumble play or occasionally played with "masculine" toys such as trucks or
guns; however, they reported no differences in these areas for sons. Lesbian mothers were no more or
less likely than heterosexual mothers to report that their children often played with "feminine"
toys such as dolls. In both family types, however, children's sex-role behavior was seen as falling
within normal limits.
In summary, the research suggests that children of lesbian mothers develop patterns of gender-role
behavior that are much like those of other children.
Sexual Orientation. A number of investigators have also studied a third component of sexual
identity: sexual orientation (Bailey, Bobrow, Wolfe, & Mikach, 1995; Bozett, 1980, 1982, 1987, 1989;
Gottman, 1990; Golombok et al., 1983; Green, 1978; Huggins, 1989; Miller, 1979; Paul, 1986; Rees,
1979). In all studies, the great majority of offspring of both gay fathers and lesbian mothers
described themselves as heterosexual. Taken together, the data do not suggest elevated rates of
homosexuality among the offspring of lesbian or gay parents. For instance, Huggins (1989)
interviewed 36 teenagers, half of whom were offspring of lesbian mothers and half of heterosexual
mothers. No children of lesbian mothers identified themselves as lesbian or gay, but one child of a
heterosexual mother did; this difference was not statistically significant. In a recent study,
Bailey and his colleagues (1995) studied adult sons of gay fathers and found more than 90% of the
sons to be heterosexual. Because the heterosexual and nonheterosexual sons did not differ in the
length of time they had resided with their fathers, the effects of the exposure to the fathers'
sexual orientation on the sons' sexual orientation must have been either very small or nonexistent.
Other Aspects of Personal Development
Studies of other aspects of personal development among children of gay and lesbian parents have
assessed a broad array of characteristics. Among these have been separation-individuation (Steckel,
1985, 1987), psychiatric evaluations (Golombok et al., 1983; Kirkpatrick et al., 1981), assessments
of behavior problems (Flaks, Ficher, Masterpasqua and Joseph, 1995; Golombok et al., 1983;
Patterson, 1994a), personality (Gottman, 1990), self-concept (Gottman, 1990; Huggins, 1989;
Patterson, 1994a; Puryear, 1983), locus of control (Puryear, 1983; Rees, 1979), moral judgment
(Rees, 1979), and intelligence (Green et al., 1986). Research has shown that concerns about
difficulties in personal development in these areas among children of lesbian mothers are
unwarranted. As was the case for sexual identity, studies of these other aspects of personal
development have revealed no major differences between children of lesbian versus heterosexual
mothers. One statistically significant difference in self-concept emerged in Patterson's (1994a)
study: children of lesbian mothers reported greater symptoms of stress but also a greater overall
sense of well-being than did children in a comparison group of heterosexual families. The responses
of both groups were, however, within a normal range (Patterson, 1994a). Overall, the belief that
children of gay and lesbian parents suffer deficits in personal development has no empirical
foundation.
Social Relationships
Studies assessing potential differences between children of gay and lesbian versus heterosexual
parents have sometimes included assessments of children's social relationships. The most common
focus of attention has been on peer relations, but some information on children's relationships with
adults has also been collected. Research findings that address the likelihood of sexual abuse are
also summarized in this section.
Research on peer relations among children of lesbian mothers has been reported by Golombok and her
colleagues (1983), Green (1978), and by Green and his colleagues (1986). Reports by both parents and
children suggest normal development of peer relationships. For example, as would be expected, most
school-aged children reported same-sex best friends and predominantly same-sex peer groups (Golombok
et al., 1983; Green, 1978). The quality of children's peer relations was described, on average, in
positive terms by researchers (Golombok et al., 1983) as well as by lesbian mothers and their
children (Green et al., 1986).
Studies of relationships with adults among the offspring of lesbian and gay parents have also
yielded a generally positive picture (Golombok et al., 1983; Harris & Turner, 1985/86; Kirkpatrick
et al., 1981). For example, Golombok and her colleagues (1983) found that children of divorced
lesbian mothers were more likely to have had recent contact with their fathers than were children of
divorced heterosexual mothers. Another study, however, found no differences in this regard
(Kirkpatrick et al., 1981). Harris and Turner (1985/86) studied the offspring of gay fathers as well
as those of lesbian mothers; parent-child relationships were described in positive terms by parents
in their sample. One significant difference between lesbian and gay parents, on the one hand, and
heterosexual parents, on the other, was that heterosexual parents were more likely to say that their
children's visits with the other parent presented problems for them (Harris & Turner, 1985/86).
In the Golombok et al. (1983) study, children's contacts with adult friends of their lesbian mothers
were also assessed. All of the children were reported to have contact with adult friends of their
mothers, and the majority of lesbian mothers reported that their adult friends were a mixture of
homosexual and heterosexual adults.
Concerns that children of gay or lesbian parents are more likely than children of heterosexual
parents to be sexually abused have also been addressed. Results of work in this area reveal that the
great majority of adults who perpetrate sexual abuse are male; sexual abuse of children by adult
women is extremely rare (Finkelhor & Russell, 1984; Jones & MacFarlane, 1980; Sarafino, 1979).
Moreover, the overwhelming majority of child sexual abuse cases involve an adult male abusing a
young female (Jenny, Roesler, & Poyer, 1994; Jones & MacFarlane, 1980). Available evidence reveals
that gay men are no more likely than heterosexual men to perpetrate child sexual abuse (Groth &
Birnbaum, 1978; Jenny et al., 1994; Sarafino, 1979). Fears that children in custody of gay or
lesbian parents might be at heightened risk for sexual abuse are thus without basis in the research
literature
Huggins (1989) reported that self-esteem among daughters of lesbian mothers whose lesbian partners
lived with them was higher than that among daughters of lesbian mothers who did not live with a
partner. Because of the small sample size and absence of statistical tests, this finding should be
seen as suggestive rather than conclusive. On the basis of impressions from her own work,
Kirkpatrick has also stated her view that "contrary to the fears expressed in court, children in
households that included the mother's lesbian lover had a richer, more open and stable family life"
than did those in single parent lesbian mother households (Kirkpatrick, 1987, p. 204).
Issues related to division of family and household labor have also been studied. In families headed
by lesbian couples, Patterson (1995a) found that, although mothers did not differ in their reported
involvement in household and family decision-making tasks, biological mothers reported more time
spent in child care and nonbiological mothers reported more time spent in paid employment. In
families where mothers reported sharing child care duties relatively evenly between themselves,
parents were more satisfied and children were better adjusted. Thus, equal sharing of child care
duties was associated with more advantageous outcomes both for parents and for children in this
study.
Another aspect of diversity among gay and lesbian families relates to the psychological status and
well-being of the parent. Research on parent-child relations in heterosexual families has
consistently revealed that children's adjustment is often related to indices of maternal mental
health. One might therefore expect factors that enhance mental health among lesbian mothers or gay
fathers also to benefit their children. Lott-Whitehead and Tully (1993) reported considerable
variability in the amounts of stress described by lesbian mothers, but did not describe sources of
stress nor their relations to child adjustment. Rand, Graham, and Rawlings (1982) found that lesbian
mothers' sense of psychological well-being was associated with their degree of openness about their
lesbian identity with employers, ex-husbands, and children; mothers who felt more able to disclose
their lesbian identity were more likely to express a positive sense of well-being. Unfortunately, no
information about the relations of these findings to adjustment or development among children of
these women has been reported to date.
Another area of great diversity among families with a gay or lesbian parent concerns the degree to
which a parent's gay or lesbian identity is accepted by other significant people in a child's life.
Huggins (1989) found a tendency for children whose fathers were rejecting of maternal lesbian
identities to report lower self-esteem than those whose fathers were neutral or positive. Due to
small sample size and absence of significance tests, this finding should be regarded as preliminary
and suggestive rather than definitive. Huggins' (1989) finding does, however, raise questions about
the extent to which reactions of important adults in a child's environment can influence responses
to discovery of a parent's gay or lesbian identity.
Effects of the age at which children learn of parental homosexuality have also been a topic of
study. Paul (1986) found that offspring who were told of parental gay, lesbian, or bisexual identity
either in childhood or in late adolescence found the news easier to cope with than those who first
learned of it during early to middle adolescence. Huggins (1989) also reported that those who
learned of maternal lesbianism in childhood had higher self-esteem than did those who were not
informed of it until they were adolescents. From a clinical perspective, it is widely agreed that
early adolescence is a particularly difficult time for children to learn that a father is gay or
that a mother is lesbian (Bozett, 1980; Pennington, 1987; Schulenberg, 1985).
Some investigators have also raised questions about the potential role of peer support in helping
children to deal with issues raised by having a gay or lesbian parent. Lewis (1980) was the first to
suggest that children's silence on the topic of parental sexual orientation with peers and siblings
might add to their feelings of isolation from other children. All of the 11 adolescents studied by
O'Connell (1993) reported exercising selectivity about when they disclosed information about their
mothers' lesbian identities. Paul (1986) found that 29% of his young adult respondents had never
known anyone else with a gay, lesbian, or bisexual parent, suggesting that the possibility of
isolation is very real for some young people. Potentially
negative effects of any such isolation have not, however, been uncovered in research to date. Lewis
(1980) suggested that children would benefit from support groups consisting of other children of gay
or lesbian parents, and young people interviewed by O'Connell (1993) agreed, but systematic
evaluations of such groups have not been reported.
In summary, research on diversity among families with gay and lesbian parents and on the potential
effects of such diversity on children is only beginning (Martin 1989; Patterson, 1992, 1995b)
Existing data on children of lesbian mothers suggest that children may fare better when mothers are
in good psychological health and living with a lesbian partner with whom they share child care.
Children may find it easier to deal with issues raised by having lesbian or gay parents if they
learn of parental sexual orientation during childhood rather than during adolescence. Existing data
also suggest the value of a supportive milieu, in which parental sexual orientation is accepted by
other significant adults and in which children have contact with peers in similar circumstances. The
existing data are, however, still very sparse, and any conclusions must be seen as tentative.
It is clear, however, that existing research provides no basis for believing that children's best
interests are served by family conflict or secrecy about a parent's gay or lesbian identity, or by
requirements that a lesbian or gay parent maintain a household separate from that of a same-sex
partner.
II. ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
The citations in this annotated bibliography come from a number of sources: from the original APA
publication Lesbian Parents and Their Children, from a PsycLit search on gay and lesbian parenting
from the years 1987-1993, and from recommendations made by our expert reviewers. We recognize that
this bibliography is not all inclusive. The literature on lesbian and gay parenting is rapidly
expanding, and we may have missed some resources. Furthermore, there are a number of doctoral
dissertations on gay and lesbian parenting. We have not included dissertations or some of the
material that is written directly for lesbian and gay parents themselves. While primarily drawing
upon psychology, we did include some citations from law, psychiatry, and social work publications.
The annotated bibliography is divided into four sections. The first section focuses on empirical
psychological studies. The second section contains book chapters and articles from the periodical
literature. The third section contains books. And the bibliography concludes with a section that
lists additional resources and organizations.
This bibliography was compiled by Bianca Cody Murphy and Lourdes Rodríguez-Nogués with the
assistance of Mary Ballou, Edward J. Dunne, Susan Iasenza, Steven James, Linda Jones, Ena Vazquez
Nuttall, Gary Ross Reynolds, and William Sanchez.
A. Empirical Studies
Ainslie, J., & Feltey, K.M. (1991). Definitions and dynamics of motherhood and family in lesbian
communities. Marriage and Family Review, 17, (1/2), 63-85.
Reports results of a study of the meaning of motherhood and family to lesbian mothers, how these
meanings are created and maintained both in the lesbian community and outside world, and the
centrality of lesbian feminist communities to the lives of lesbian women and their children. Uses an
explicitly feminist framework and interactive social psychological perspective. Includes intensive
interviews with 17 lesbian mothers who were involved in lesbian feminist communities. Interviewees
were mostly White women who ranged in age from 25 to 48, and the children ranged in age from 2 to
28. All respondents were biological mothers of the children they were raising and viewed motherhood
as a positive forum for social change. They taught children feminist principles and organized their
families accordingly--each person treated as a unique individual. Lesbian feminist communities
provided support and a social context in which the families felt at home. The lack of language to
describe the relationships in extended lesbian families was a common theme.
Bailey, J.M., Bobrow, D., Wolfe, M., & Mikach, S. (1995). Sexual orientation of adult sons of gay
fathers. Developmental Psychology, 31, 124-129.
Reports the result of a study of 55 gay or bisexual men who had a total of 82 sons at least 17 years
of age. The fathers were recruited through advertisements in gay publications. Eighty-nine percent
of the fathers identified themselves as gay. The rest identified themselves as bisexual. More than
90% of the sons whose sexual orientation could be rated were heterosexual. The sexual orientation of
the sons was not positively correlated with the amount of time the sons lived with their fathers.
The authors conclude that the available evidence fails to provide empirical grounds for denying
child custody to lesbian and gay parents because of concern about the effect on the child's sexual
orientation.
Baptiste, D.A., (1987). Psycho-therapy with gay/lesbian couples and their children in stepfamilies:
A challenge for marriage and family therapists. Journal of Homosexuality, 14 (1/2), 223-238.
Assesses lesbian and gay subjects who previously had been heterosexually married on five dimensions:
personal traits, marital history, marital problems and their impact, and comfort with their gay
identity. Discusses issues about the physical custody; the proportion of custody determinations that
were conflictual and personally destructive; satisfaction regarding custody arrangements; the
percentage of lesbian/gay parents who were open with their children about their sexual orientation;
how the disclosure was made; the impact on the children of the parent's coming out; and the
frequency of reported difficulties experienced by the children because of their parent's sexual
orientation.
Bigner, J.J., & Jacobsen, R.B. (1989). The value of children to gay and heterosexual fathers.
Journal of Homosexuality, 18 (1/2), 163-172.
Reports on similarities and differences between 33 heterosexual fathers (aged 26-55 years) and 33
matched gay fathers who responded to the value of children questionnaire. Overall scores for both
groups did not differ. Significant differences were found in two sub-scales
(Tradition-Continuity-Security and Social Status). Gay fathers reported that their marriage and
family orientation reflected a traditional attitude toward family life and served to protect against
societal rejection. Sample reported on was a self-selected group of gay fathers attending a
self-help group. Comparison group was constructed from a larger sample of men who are fathers,
without knowledge of the men's sexual orientation.
Bigner, J.J., & Jacobsen, R.B. (1989). Parenting behaviors of homosexual and heterosexual fathers.
Journal of Homosexuality, 18(1/2), 173-186.
An empirical study of the differences and similarities between 33 gay fathers and 33 nongay fathers
as reflected in their responses to the Iowa Parent Behavior Inventory. Fathers of both types were
quite similar on degree of involvement and level of intimacy with children. Gay fathers were
generally more strict, but were also more responsive, and took more care in socializing their
children than their nongay counterparts. The convenience nature of the sample of gay fathers (all
drawn from a support group for gay fathers) makes generalizations to other gay fathers problematic.
No data are available on the sexual orientation of the control group drawn at random from a
pre-existing group of study participants. Makes no claim to generalizability, recognizing the limits
of their sampling procedures, yet speculates on the nature of the differences between the two
groups, suggesting the more socially desirable behavior of the gay fathers may result from perceived
pressure to be a "good" father, which they feel more acutely than their nongay counterparts.
Bigner, J.J., & Jacobsen, R.B. (1992). Adult responses to child behavior and attitudes toward
fathering: Gay and nongay fathers. Journal of Homosexuality, 23(3), 99-112.
Provides a concise review of research on gay fathers and reports the results of a study of 24 gay
and 29 nongay fathers. Finds a high degree of similarity between the two groups of fathers with
regard to parenting styles and attitudes toward fathering. Discusses methodological short-comings,
including the lack of standardization of the instruments used and the familiar limitations of
convenience sampling that plagues much of gay and lesbian research.
Bozett, F. W. (1981). Gay fathers: Evolution of the gay-father identity. American Journal of
Orthopsychiatry, 51(3), 552-559.
Reports the results of an exploratory interview study of 18 gay fathers (28-51 years old). Reveals
that as the men participate in both the gay world and the world of fathers they begin to develop a
congruent identity. Concludes that the gay father's self-disclosure of his identity as father in the
gay world and as gay in the father world is crucial to the gay father's achievement of
self-acceptance.
Dunne, E. J. (1987). Helping gay fathers come out to their children. Journal of Homosexuality,
14(1/2), 213-222.
Discusses the obstacles to disclosure that gay fathers confront in coming out to their children.
Describes a time-limited, role-play group designed to assist seven gay fathers to develop effective
responses to a variety of situations they are likely to face. Six-month follow-up revealed that two
members had voluntarily disclosed their identity to their children and a third reported that the
group helped him to respond to parental confrontation about his sexual orientation. All reported
that the group helped them feel more comfortable about their children eventually knowing about their
sexual orientation
Flaks, D. K., Ficher I., Masterpasqua, F., & Joseph, G. (1995). Lesbians choosing motherhood. A
comparative study of lesbian and heterosexual parents and their children. Developmental Psychology,
31, 105-114..
Compares a group of 15 White lesbian couples living together with their 3-9 year old children born
to them through artificial insemination with a matched sample of heterosexual parents and their
children. A variety of assessment measures including the Child Behavior Checklist, Teacher's Report
Form, the Spanier Dyadic Adjustment Scale, the Parent Awareness Skills Survey and either the WPPSI-R
or WISC-R were used to measure the children's cognitive functioning and behavioral adjustment as
well as the parents' relationship and parenting skills. Results revealed no significant differences
between the two groups of children. Both groups of parents showed similar dyadic adjustment.
However, the lesbian couples exhibited more parenting awareness skills than did the heterosexual
couples.
Golombok, S., Spencer, A., & Rutter, M. (1983). Children in lesbian and single-parent households:
Psychosexual and psychiatric appraisal. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 24, 551-572.
Compares aspects of child development in 27 lesbian households with a total of 37 children (aged
5-17 years) and 27 heterosexual single-parent households with a total of 38 children (aged 15-17
years). Data were gathered through systematic standardized interviews with mothers and children and
through parent and teacher questionnaires. Ratings of the children's psychosexual and psychiatric
status were done "blind" to family circumstances. Results indicated no differences between the
children of lesbian and heterosexual mothers in gender identity or sex-role behavior. There was no
evidence of inappropriate gender identity among the children of lesbian mothers, and age and
developmentally appropriate friendships and good peer relationships were observed in both groups.
Psychiatric problems among the children were infrequent in both groups but proportionately higher in
the heterosexual single-parent group. Limitations of the study were that the follow-up period was
short, and the children were not old enough for sexual orientation to be documented behaviorally.
Green, R. (1978). Sexual identity of 37 children raised by homosexual or transsexual parents.
American Journal of Psychiatry, 135, 692-697.
Thirty-seven subjects aged 3-20 years were either raised by lesbian women (21) or by transsexuals
(16). Subjects had lived in these households from 1-16 years, with a mean time of 4.9 years. All but
one subject indicated that toys, games, clothing, and gender of peers were typical for their gender.
Thirteen older subjects indicated erotic fantasies or sexual behaviors, and all these subjects were
heterosexual in orientation.
Green R. (1982). The best interests of the child with a lesbian mother. Bulletin of the American
Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, 10, 7-15.
Reviews theoretical models and empirical data concerning whether a homosexual parent or two
homosexual individuals in parenting roles increases the chance that children will have a homosexual
orientation. Also describes court evaluations of adults and children in lesbian custody cases.
Fifty-eight children (aged 3-11 years) being raised by lesbian mothers were compared with 43
demographically matched children of divorced heterosexual mothers. Evaluation instruments included
the Draw-A-Person test, questions regarding sex-typed activities, and future plans. There were no
significant differences for boys or girls in either group of families. It is concluded that
difficulties experienced by children in lesbian mother households stem from reactions to divorce and
not from the mother's lesbianism.
Green, R., Mandel, J. B., Hotvedt, M. E., Gray, J., & Smith, L. (1986). Lesbian mothers and their
children: A comparison with solo parent heterosexual mothers and their children. Archives of Sexual
Behavior, 15, 167-184.
Assesses psychosexual and psychosocial development of 56 children living with lesbian mothers and 48
children of heterosexual mothers. Groups were matched on mothers' age, race, education and income
and on number, age, sex of children, and time since separation from father. Data were collected via
questionnaires, audiotaped interviews, and standardized tests. Results revealed no differences
between the two groups of children in IQ, self-concept, or social adjustment. There was no evidence
of conflict in gender identity in the children of lesbian mothers and no psychopathology related to
the mother's sexual orientation. Daughters of lesbians preferred traditionally masculine job roles
significantly more often than the daughters of heterosexual mothers and were less traditionally
feminine in current dress and in activity preferences at school and at home, but these differences
were not beyond the normal range. No difference was found for boys, with 95% of both groups choosing
traditionally masculine jobs.
Harris, M. B., & Turner, P. H. (1985). Gay and lesbian parents. Journal of Homosexuality, 12,
101-113.
Surveys a small, nonrandom sample of 23 gay and lesbian parents (aged 29-53 years) and 16
heterosexual single parents (aged 19-47 years) concerning relationships with their children.
Subjects were all White and highly educated. Parents in all three groups reported positive
relationships with their children and few serious problems. Among the differences reported were that
heterosexual parents made more efforts to provide an opposite-sex role model for their children.
Further, lesbians perceived greater benefits to their children relating to their homosexuality than
gay men, while gay men reported fewer disagreements with partners over discipline, more
encouragement of play with sex-typed toys, and more satisfaction with their first child than
lesbians. One weakness of the study was that no independent observations were made of the children's
behavior or adjustment.
Harvey, S. M., Carr, C., & Bernheine, S. (1989). Lesbian mothers: Health care experiences. Journal
of Nurse-Midwifery, 34(3), 115-119.
A self-administered questionnaire was completed by 35 women who had delivered within the last 5
years and were self-identified lesbians when they conceived. The majority of women conceived through
donor insemination and used the medical care system to achieve pregnancy. All sought prenatal care
within the first 16 weeks, 89% participated in childbirth classes, and 80% breast fed for six months
or more. Over half of the women (51%) sought obstetrical care from physicians, while 49% selected
midwives. The majority (91%) disclosed their sexual orientation to their provider. Overall the women
described their experience with obstetrical care providers as positive. However, a greater
percentage of women who selected midwives reported higher levels of support from and satisfaction
with their provider compared to those who selected physicians.
Hoeffer, B. (1981). Children's acquisition of sex-role behavior in lesbian-mother families. American
Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 51, 536-544.
Assesses sex-role behavior in 40 6-9 year old children of 20 lesbian and 20 heterosexual mothers.
The mothers were matched for education and occupational category, the children for gender and age.
Children's preferences for sex-typed masculine, feminine, and neutral toys were used as indices of
sex-role behavior. No differences were found between the two groups of children in toy preferences,
although sex differences emerged in both groups with girls scoring higher on feminine sex-typed toys
and boys on masculine toys. One weakness was that the investigator was not "blind" to the child's
family situation.
Hotvedt, M. E., & Mandel, J. B. (1982). Children of lesbian mothers. In W. Paul, J.D. Weinrich, J.
Gonsiorek, & M. Hotvedt (Eds.). Homosexuality, social psychological and biological issues (pp.
275-285). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Reviews authors' study of 50 lesbian mothers and 20 heterosexual single mothers, with children
ranging in age from 3 to 11 years. Questionnaires, tests, and in-depth interviews were conducted on
the children. Using this comparative study format of lesbian and heterosexual single mothers' family
units, the data do not support popularly held myths and family court assumptions that children of
lesbian parents are prone to "... neglect, unpopularity, confused gender identity, or homosexuality"
(p. 284). Stresses the need for divorce lawyers, judges, and child welfare providers to become
familiar with the research and begin to change biased perceptions and myths. Presents the need for
states to change laws making same sex orientation a felony. Makes no mention in either its
literature review or authors' own study about the added complexities surrounding gay and lesbian
minority families and the need for further research in this area.
Huggins, S. L. (1989). A comparative study of self-esteem of adolescent children of divorced lesbian
mothers and divorced heterosexual mothers. Journal of Homosexuality, 18 (1/2), 123-135.
Examines the psychological construct of self-esteem using a comparative survey design with
adolescent children of divorced lesbian mothers and divorced heterosexual mothers. There were 18
children in both groups, also divided equally by sex; that is, nine in each subgroup. Children
ranged in age from 12-19 years. The Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (SEI) was used to measure
self-esteem. Mothers and children were also interviewed in order to obtain additional data. The
sample was White, and the study did not discuss issues related to cultural/ethnic minorities and
other issues of diversity. There was no significant difference between SEI scores of adolescent
children from divorced heterosexual versus divorced lesbian mothers. Findings are consistent with
other studies across different variables, indicating that children of lesbian/gay parents are not at
greater risk for problems with "... sexual identity confusion, inappropriate gender role behavior,
psychopathology, or homosexual orientation in children" (p. 124). Stresses the need for further
comparative research examining lesbian and heterosexual couples and single lesbian mothers with
single heterosexual mothers.
Kirkpatrick, M., Smith, C., & Roy, R. (1981). Lesbian mothers and their children: A comparative
survey. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 51, 545-551.
Ten girls and 10 boys between the ages of 5 and 12 who were living full time with self-identified
lesbian mothers were compared with 10 girls and 10 boys living full time with single, heterosexual
mothers. Mothers were found to be similar in socioeconomic status, education, occupational history,
and age at childbirth. Children were studied using WISC scales, the Holtzman Inkblot Technique, the
Human Figure Drawing Test, and a developmental history. There was no difference between groups in
the regularity of fathers' visits, involvement with children, or financial support. Lesbian mothers
were more likely to have only children, compared to heterosexual mothers. There were no differences
between children of lesbian and heterosexual mothers on the Human Figure Drawing Test, the Rutter
Scale of emotional disturbance, and developmental history. An unexpectedly high number of children
in both groups showed emotional symptoms, which was attributed to the fact that the authors offered
free psychological evaluations and thus this may have appealed to mothers who had some concern about
their children.
Koepke, L., Hare, J., & Moran, P. B. (1992). Relationship quality in a sample of lesbian couples
with children and child-free lesbian couples. Family Relations, 41, 224-229.
Presents the results of a study that examined the quality of lesbian relationships by looking at
three factors: presence of children, longevity of the lesbian relationship, and the degree of
disclosure about the nature of the couple's relationship. Subjects were 47 lesbian couples, 40% of
whom had children and 60% of whom did not. Couples were defined as women who perceived themselves as
being in a committed relationship with another woman. Subjects were obtained using a non-random
snowball sampling technique. The instruments used in the study were ENRICH and a 17-item,
researcher-designed questionnaire, which included items about disclosure of the couple's
relationship to others, relationship longevity, presence of children, annual income, age, and
occupation. Lesbian couples with children scored significantly higher on measures of relationship
satisfaction and sexual satisfaction. No differences in relationship quality were found based on
longevity or disclosure. The article discusses the implications of the findings for policy and
clinical practice.
Kweskin, S. L., & Cook, A. S. (1982). Heterosexual and homosexual mothers' self-described sex-role
behavior and ideal sex-role behavior in children. Sex Roles, 8, 967-975.
Subjects were 22 heterosexual single mothers and 22 lesbian mothers (aged 19-43 years). There were
no statistically significant differences between the groups on the following variables: age, income,
educational level, number of children, and number of years living without a husband in the home.
Subjects were asked to rate themselves on the Bem Sex Role Inventory and to rate an "ideal child."
Half of each group was asked to describe an ideal male child and the other an ideal female child.
They found that mothers tended to rate an "ideal child" in the same manner in which they rated
themselves. The mothers' own sex-role descriptions were the best predictors of desired sex role
behavior in children. The mothers' sexual orientation was not a relevant variable.
Lewin, E. (1984). Lesbianism and motherhood: Implications for child custody. In T. Darty & S. Potter
(Eds.), Women identified women (pp. 163-183). Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield.
Discusses the negative assumptions that govern the decisions in custody cases involving lesbian
mothers and presents data from a comparison study between 43 lesbian and 37 heterosexual single
mothers that refute them. These negative assumptions include the following: lesbianism is immoral,
children raised by lesbian women will become homosexual, being a child of a lesbian woman is a
stigmatizing and damaging experience, lesbian experience cannot be combined with the maternal role,
lesbianism is pathological, and sexual desire is the basis of lesbian experience. The home-based
interview study was conducted with lesbian and heterosexual single mothers from the San Francisco
Bay area who were formerly married and were raising children ranging in age from 1-18 years.
Participants were selected through networking and responses to publicity. Results revealed
remarkable similarity between samples in terms of household structure, relations with kin and
ex-husbands, and beliefs and values regarding their situation as single mothers. The only major
difference was in the perceived vulnerability and stress experienced by lesbian mothers regarding
custody litigation. Concludes that despite mounting evidence about the stability of lesbian mothers
and the health of their children, judges remain antagonistic to them in the courtroom. Suggests the
need for change in the rules of evidence and the adversarial model of litigation.
Lewin,E., & Lyons, T. A. (1982). Everything in its place: The coexistence of lesbianism and
motherhood. In W. Paul, J.D. Weinrich, J. Gonsiorek, & M. Hotvedt (Eds.). Homosexuality: Social
psychological and biological issues (pp. 249-273). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
A study, which took place between 1977-1979, of the adaptive strategies of 43 lesbian and 37
heterosexual formerly married single mothers from the San Francisco Bay area. Subjects were selected
through personal and professional referrals and media ads. A stratified sample was developed by
sexual orientation, age of children, achieved socioeconomic status, and presence or absence of
coresident sexual partner. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted. Results revealed
remarkable similarity between lesbian and heterosexual single mothers regarding support from kin and
friends, role of intimate partners, relationship with ex-husbands, and fear of custody challenges.
Concludes that "single motherhood among lesbians and heterosexuals gives rise to a single adaptive
system, one which is unified by the salience of motherhood as a central organizing force."
Implications for research underscore the importance of viewing sexual orientation within social,
economic, intrapsychic, and situational contexts where sexuality may intersect with these factors or
where one or many of these factors may be more central in explaining behavior and experience.
Lewis, K. G. (1980). Children of lesbians: Their point of view. Social Work, 25, 198-203.
Presents interviews of 21 (10 male and 11 female) children aged 9-26 from eight lesbian families.
Discusses children's reactions to their mothers' disclosure of lesbianism, the children's sense of
being different, their sexuality, and their relationships to their fathers.
Lott-Whitehead, L., & Tully, C. (1992). The family of lesbian mothers. Smith College Studies in
Social Work, 63, 265-280.
Based on a qualitative study of 45 lesbian mothers, the study explores the family lives of women
from an ecological perspective. The subjects were mostly Caucasian and highly educated. Major themes
from the interviews highlight the nurturing and accepting environments in lesbian mother families.
Some lesbian mother families scored high on stress due to single parenthood and lack of external
support. Families who were closeted were scored higher on stress. The women in this study were aware
of the impact of their sexual orientation on their children's experiences in the world and attempted
to soften and mediate potentially negative societal massages.
Lyons, T. A. (1983). Lesbian mother's custody fear. Women and Therapy, 2, 231-240.
Reports a study of support systems utilized by a sample of 43 lesbian and 37 heterosexual divorced
mothers. The groups were matched for age of children, SES, and relationship status. One half of the
lesbian mothers and one-third of heterosexual mothers lived with partners. Results indicated no
differences between the two groups in utilization of social support. The only major difference was
the lesbian mother's greater fear of loss of custody of her children.
Matteson, D. R. (1987). The heterosexually married gay and lesbian parent. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.).
Gay and lesbian parents (pp. 138-161). New York: Praeger.
Details a "typical" developmental sequence of a heterosexual marriage in which one partner has
same-sex attractions. Reports on a 6-year follow-up of several couples who were in
"mixed-orientation" marriages. Discussion includes consideration of how acceptance and accommodation
to spousal homosexual behavior affect marital harmony. Some discussion of impact of coming out to
both spouse and children. Illustrates lives of people who describe themselves as bisexual, not gay
or lesbian.
McCandish, B. M. (1987). Against all odds: Lesbian mother family dynamics. In F.W. Bozett (Ed.), Gay
and lesbian parents (pp. 23-36). New York: Praeger.
Attempts to develop a theoretical model of the normal lesbian mother family structure, defined as a
two-woman couple who conceive children by artificial insemination and raise one or more children.
Develops a model through a home interview study of five lesbian mother families who were selected
through networking. Families were Caucasian, middle-class, and consisted of parents who were both
working. Four of the five pairs of parents had graduate level education, the fifth were trained in a
specialized field. Parental ages ranged from 30-53 years. Relationship lengths ranged from 7.5-13
years. Couples were together for 3-7 years before the birth of the first child. Children's ages
ranged from 18 months-7 years. All couples had one child 5 years old or younger. Children consisted
of five males and two females. Results revealed that all families completed the early stages of
family formation: couple formation, decision to conceive, pregnancy, birth, and the first 18 months
to 5 years of childrearing. All families developed successful coping mechanisms to deal with social
and legal pressures. Significant changes in couple relationship reported such as lost prior sexual
intimacy and role redefinitions and conflicts. Observed healthy parent-child interactions as well as
normal psychological and gender-role development in the children.
Miller, B. (1979). Gay fathers and their children. The Family Coordinator, 28, 544-552.
Presents data from a 3-year study on the quality and nature of the relationships of homosexual
fathers with their children. In-depth interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of 40 gay
fathers and 14 of their children. Uses a cross-national sample: Interviews were conducted in large
and small cities in both Canada and the United States. Excluded from the study men who no longer saw
their children. Fathers were aged from 24 to 64, and the children who were interviewed ranged from
14 to 33 years of age. Addresses the nature of the father-child relationship and the children's
adjustment to their father's homosexuality. Four issues frequently raised in custody cases are
discussed: do gay fathers have children to cover their homosexuality, do they molest their children,
do their children turn out to be gay in disproportionate numbers, and does having a gay father
expose a child to homophobic harassment. Concludes that concerns that gay fathers will have a
negative impact on their children's development are unfounded.
Miller, J. A., Jacobsen, R. B., & Bigner, J. J. (1981). The child's home environment for lesbian vs.
heterosexual mothers: A neglected area of research. Journal of Homosexuality, 7, 49-56.
Examines the home environment of 34 lesbians (aged 21-42 years) with children (43 children, aged 6
months to 18 years) and 47 heterosexual women (aged 24-63 years) with children. The two groups of
mothers were similar in level of education. Lesbian women were more likely to be skilled or
unskilled workers, and heterosexual women were more likely to be housewives. Lesbian women had
significantly lower family income than did heterosexual women. Lesbian mothers were more
child-oriented in certain caregiver situations.
Mucklow, B. M., & Phelan, G. K. (1979). Lesbian and traditional mothers' responses to Adult Response
to Child Behavior and self-concept. Psychological Reports, 44, 880-882.
Subjects were 34 lesbian and 47 heterosexual mothers who were administered the Adult Response to
Child Behavior instrument. They viewed a set of slides of children's behaviors and were assessed on
an attitude scale measuring adult-, task-, and child-centered attitudes. To measure self-confidence,
dominance, and nurturance, a modified form of the Adjective Checklist was administered. Results
revealed no statistically significant differences between the groups on these dimensions. Results
suggest that lesbian and heterosexual mothers may be more similar than different in their maternal
attitudes and self-concept.
Neisen, J. H. (1987). Resources for families with a gay/lesbian member. Journal of Homosexuality,
14(1/2), 239-251.
Reports on 39 families who had a gay or lesbian member and who were members of a support group for
families and friends of lesbians and gays. Discusses the sources of support for family members and
information available to them. Most families received their information about lesbian and gay issues
from books and newspapers and from gay and lesbian acquaintances instead of family members. Provides
reading list for members. Counselors and psychotherapists need to be better informed about lesbian
and gay lifestyles in order to help such families.
Newcomb, M. D. (1985). The role of perceived parent personality in the development of heterosexuals,
homosexuals, and transvestites. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 14, 147-164.
Examines how a sample of 106 male and 122 female heterosexuals, 63 lesbian women, 34 gay men, and 77
male transvestites perceived their parents. The Parent Characteristics Questionnaire (PCQ) assessed
the relative distribution of five personality traits between mothers and fathers. No significant
differences were found among any of the male samples. But, lesbian women, in comparison to
homosexual men, perceived their fathers as more dependent, more affiliative, and less
aggressive/dominant than their mothers.
O'Connell, A. (1990). Voices from the heart: The developmental impact of a mother's lesbianism on
her adolescent children. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 63, 281-299.
Documents through qualitative research the thoughts and feelings of 11 teens and young adults whose
mothers came out to them after divorce. Participants discuss issues created or complicated by their
mothers' coming out: feelings about mother, secret keeping, friendships, sexuality, reactions to
divorce, and the benefits of mother's coming out. While this 1990 study was limited to a lower
middle class, Caucasian, and predominately heterosexual sample, the issues revealed by these
children of lesbian women increase our understanding of the dynamics at work in such families.
Pagelow, M.D. (1980). Heterosexual and lesbian single mothers: A comparison of problems, coping, and
solutions. Journal of Homosexuality, 5, 198-204.
Reports a descriptive study of the life experiences of lesbian and heterosexual single mothers with
regard to child custody, housing, and employment. Data was gathered via questionnaire,
participant-observation of various lesbian groups, and in-depth interviews. Findings are exploratory
but interesting for the different patterns observed.
Patterson, C. (1994). Children of the lesbian baby boom: Behavioral adjustment, self-concepts, and
sex-role identity. In B. Greene & G. Herek (Eds.), Contemporary perspectives of gay and lesbian
psychology: Theory, research, and applications (pp. 156-175). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Examines 37 4-to-9-year-old children of lesbian mothers. Data were gathered through the Achenback
and Edelbrock Child Behavior Checklist for social competence and behavior problems, five scales from
the Eder Children's Self-View Questionnaire for self-concept and interview techniques for sex-role
behavior. The children of lesbian mothers scored in the normal range for all measures. Only two
major differences (greater symptoms of stress and a greater sense of well-being) were found as
compared to norms for children of heterosexual mothers. A discussion of psychological and legal
implications is presented.
Patterson, C. J. (1995). Families of the Lesbian Baby Boom: Parents' division of labor and
children's adjustment. Developmental Psychology, 31, 115-123.
Presents study of 26 White, well-educated lesbian families composed of a lesbian couple and at least
1 child between 4-9 years old. The author studied the couples' division of labor and discovered that
although both partners often reported sharing household tasks and decision-making equally,
biological mothers were more involved in child care and nonbiological mothers spent more time in
paid employment. Both biological and nonbiological mothers reported similar rates of relationship
satisfaction.
Pennington, S. B. (1987). Children of lesbian mothers. In F.W. Bozett (Ed.), Gay and lesbian parents
(pp. 58-174). New York: Praeger.
Discusses the major issues faced by children of lesbian mothers based on 10 years of clinical
experience and on the literature. Clinical sample consisted of 32 children, ages 5 to 29 years, from
28 lesbian mother families who were seen as outpatients at a clinic in San Francisco for gay and
lesbian individuals and families. Twenty-two of the children were Caucasian, five were Black, and
five were biracial. Various U.S. religious and socioeconomic groups were represented. Finds that
children's problems were not necessarily related to their mother's sexual orientation, that the
quality of mothering was the determining factor. Acknowledges the limitations of a clinical sample
and offers implications for professionals as well as suggestions for further research.
Pies, C. A. (1987). Lesbians choosing children: The use of social group work in maintaining and
strengthening the primary relationship. Journal of Social Work and Human Sociology, 5(2), 79-88.
Examines ways that lesbian relationships are affected by the decision-making process to become
parents. Data was gathered from facilitating "Considering Parenthood Groups" for lesbian women at a
family planning clinic in California. Three hundred lesbian women participated. Groups consisting of
8 to 15 women lasted for 6 weeks, after which time 15% decided to have children. Issues raised in
the groups were: planning for parenthood, dealing with families of origin, responding to questions
about lesbians' becoming mothers and who is the "real" mom, internalized homophobia, time
management, intimacy, commitment, decision-making, and making compromises. Gives examples of group
exercises to explore these issues and comments on how a social work framework may be useful in
helping this population.
Rand, C., Graham, D. L. R., & Rawlings, E.I. (1982). Psychological health and factors the court
seeks to control in lesbian mother custody trials. Journal of Homosexuality, 8, 27-39.
Reports a study of 25 self-identified lesbian mothers (aged 23-46) that assessed their psychological
health and well-being using three subscales of the California Personality Inventory (i.e.,
self-acceptance, well-being, and achievement by independence). Comparison of scores on the CPI
subscales with female norms indicated that the lesbian mothers scored about one standard deviation
above the normative samples of self-acceptance and achievement via independence and slightly below
(about one-half standard deviation) on well-being. Psychological health correlated positively with
openness to employer, ex-husband, children in a lesbian community, and amount of feminist activism.
The overall psychological health of lesbian mothers was found to be as good as that of the normative
samples.
Stiglitz, E. (1990). Caught between two worlds: The impact of a child on a lesbian couple's
relationship. Women and Therapy, 10(1/2), 99-116.
Research studies have generally focused on the developmental status of children of lesbian mothers.
The author examines the impact of a child on a lesbian couple's relationship. Reviews some of the
literature on couples' relationship development. Also reviews some of the literature on the impact
of a child on a heterosexual couple's relationship, the dynamic of lesbian relationships, and
findings using questionnaire data from both lesbian and heterosexual couples. Examines three major
variables across both lesbian and heterosexual couples: roles, intimacy, and social supports. The
author examines questionnaire data from five heterosexual couples and seven lesbian couples, 2 years
before the birth of a child and 2 years after the birth. Questions revolved around issues of
intimacy, dependency, power, and social/community supports. Couples time alone and loss of freedom
were reported as the most common area of dissatisfaction after birth by both groups. Lesbian
mothers, however, were the only group to strongly report dissatisfaction with "the amount and depth
of their intimacy and the degree of emotional sharing with their partner." For heterosexual women,
an increase in emotional support from their families and community was experienced, while for
lesbian mothers, they felt more "... like a separate family" (p. 111). With lesbian mothers the
issues of mutual dependency played a role in dissatisfaction after the birth of a child. Variable of
power in the relationship did not emerge as a major factor in the author's sample. Notes the need
for research on the dynamics of lesbian relationships and how relationships change and adjust to the
addition of a child. The need for larger samples and issues related to ethnic and cultural
minorities should also be added as important variables that need to be examined through further
research.
Turner, P. H., Scadden, L., & Harris, M. B. (1990). Parenting in gay and lesbian families. Journal
of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy, 1(3), 55-66.
Presents descriptive information about homosexual parents gathered through structured interviews
with 10 single gay fathers aged 29-43 and 11 single lesbian mothers aged 32-44. Differences between
gay fathers and lesbian mothers were presented. Lesbian mothers had less income, were more likely to
tell children about their homosexuality, and were more likely to have difficulty reconciling their
lesbian and parental roles. Both gay and lesbian parents had few problems with their children as a
result of their homosexuality.
Zuger, B. (1989). Homosexuality in families of boys with early effeminate behavior: An
epidemiological study. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 18(2), 155-166.
In a 30 year follow-up of 55 boys with effeminate behavior aged 6-16 at the onset of the study,
study found that the majority (73-94%) were homosexual as adults. Incidence of homosexuality among
the parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, and cousins of these boys essentially did not differ from that
of the general heterosexual population. Speculates that there may be biologic origins to
homosexuality based upon the apparent increased susceptibility to pyloric stenosis in nongay males
when compared to their gay monozygotic twin.
B. Articles and Book Chapters
Agbayewa, M. (1984). Fathers in the newer family forms: Male or female? Canadian Journal of
Psychiatry, 29(5), 402-406.
Explores the alterations in social roles and functions in the family by looking at children raised
by homosexual couples. Presents a theoretical review of sexual development in children, including
biological, social learning, and cognitive development theories. Uses case study of a 6-year-old boy
in a lesbian family to discuss the limitations of current sex-role development theories and the
application to gay and lesbian families. Reviews the literature on father-absence and the roles of
fathers and mothers, men and women. Suggests that women may function as fathers in certain family
forms. Notes the need for longitudinal studies of children raised in these newer family
constellations.
Baggett, C. (1992). Sexual orientation: Should it affect child custody rulings? Law and Psychology
Review, 16(171), 189-200.
Reviews the current laws regarding custody cases as they affect gay and lesbian parents. Reviews
important cases with regard to legal principles used in determining custody: the Per Se
Classification; the Nexus Approach, and Using the Nexus Approach as a Minor Factor. Reviews whether
sexual orientation should be a factor in child custody cases. Judges have at times used the "fear of
harassment" to the child as a basis for judgement. Concludes that there have been gradual changes in
court rulings and in particular using sex orientation as deeming a parent unfit. The author suggests
that the court needs to examine each case and the context presented, rather than allowing itself to
be influenced by "community biases" Only then can the courts begin to address what is "... in the
true best interest of the children (p. 200)."
Baptiste, D. A., (1987). The gay and lesbian stepparent family. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Gay and
lesbian parents (pp. 112-137). New York: Praeger.
Discusses the dynamics of gay/lesbian stepparent families and the unique challenges faced by them
that arise from the larger society's, as well as the lesbian women's and (especially) gay male
communities', refusal to recognize the legitimacy of such families. The effects of stigma and
secrecy on the gay/lesbian stepparent family are discussed as they affect partner, parent/child, and
stepsibling relationships.
Barret, R. L. & Robinson, B. E. (1994). Gay dads. In Gottfried and Gottfried (Eds.), Redefining
families: Implications for children's development (pp. 157-170). New York: Plenum Press.
Addresses three main questions: Who are gay fathers, how do gay fathers become parents, and how do
the children of gay fathers turn out? Uses case studies and a literature review to answer these
questions. Concludes that caution must be exercised in making sweeping generalizations about gay
fathers and their families until larger and more representative samples are obtained.
Basile, R.A. (1974). Lesbian mothers I. Women's Rights Law Reporter, 2, 3-25.
A time capsule, with its companion piece "Custody and Homosexual Parents," that provides a thorough
view of the issues relevant to child custody cases at that time. Through its numerous references,
brings facts from anthropology, law, psychology, sociology, and other disciplines to illuminate the
reader's understanding of the legal reasoning used in prominent cases of the early 1970s involving
challenges to the custody rights of lesbian women and gay men. Issues of parental fitness, best
interests of the child, and homophobia in the law are discussed with a minimum of legalese.
Beargie, R. A. (1988). Custody determinations involving the homosexual parent. Family Law Quarterly,
22, 71-86.
Discusses the constitutionality of basing custody decisions on sexual orientation and some
approaches taken by the courts to deal with this issue. Gives special focus to the South Carolina
courts and describes a model approach.
Belcastro, P. A., Gramlich, T., Nicholson, T., Price, J., & Wilson, R. (1993). A review of
data-based studies addressing the effects of homosexual parenting on children's sexual and social
functioning. Journal of Divorce and Remarriage, 20 (1/2), 105-122.
Summarizes the results of a computer and manual search of the published literature focused on
children raised in gay and lesbian households. Studies were selected on the basis of the following
criteria: data-based, post-1975 publications; independent variable/homosexual parent; and dependent
variable/some aspect of the child's sexual or social functioning. Includes 14 studies that met the
criteria. Concludes that the published research database is too weak to support a definitive
conclusion that there are no significant differences in children raised by lesbian mothers versus
those raised by heterosexual mothers.
Bigner, J. J., & Bozett, F. W. (1990). Parenting by gay fathers. Marriage and Family Review,
14(3/4), 155-175.
Asserts that gay fathers have a more complex psychosocial environment than other gay men or
heterosexuals because they have to integrate the conflicting role demands of both the gay and
heterosexual worlds. Sections deal with motivations for becoming a parent, relationships with
children, the parenting styles of gay fathers, and specific issues such as disclosure to children
and spouses. Implications for educators, family law professionals, and therapists are drawn.
Provides a fairly wide introduction to issues surrounding gay male parenthood among heterosexually
married men. Research cited in support of general assertions is usually survey-type with convenience
samples. Attempts to relate the dilemma of gay fathers to social theory of Gibbs and Martin (1964)
by invoking "low status integration" as a defining characteristic of gay fatherhood.
Bozett, F. W. (1987). Gay and lesbian parents: Future perspectives. In F. W. Bozett (Ed.), Gay and
lesbian parents (pp. 231-236). New York: Praeger.
Notes obstacles met by gay/lesbian parents that arise from both the gay/lesbian and nongay
communities, especially the absence of legal recognition for same-sex marriages. Argues for the
development of a theoretical frame from which to view gay/lesbian families and lists priorities for
research on gay/lesbian families.
Bozett, F. W. (1989). Gay fathers: A review of literature. Journal of Homosexuality, 18 (1/2),
137-162.
Reviews the empirical literature on gay fathers. Groups articles dealing with gay fathers into
categories depending upon whether or not a comparison group is used (gay-vs.-nongay fathers, gay
fathers-vs.-lesbian mothers) and summarizes each. Studies with no comparison group use survey data
from selected samples to describe concerns of gay parenthood as they relate to theoretical issues.
Reports using comparison groups contrast several variables such as willingness to parent, degree of
closeness to child, masculinity, and so forth. Makes several generalizations about gay fathers,
based on literature reviewed. Can serve as an introduction to gay fathers and their unique issues.
Notes that too little research has been done to support most of the generalizations drawn.
Bozett, F. W., & Sussman, M. B. (1990). Homosexuality and family relations: Views and research
issues. Marriage and Family Review, 14(3/4), 1-8.
A commentary on how homosexuality affects family relationships. Discusses areas for future research.
Notes that acceptance of a family member's homosexuality may be particularly difficult for fathers
and sons. Family members may have difficulty accepting the gay member's lover or friends. Parents
may be concerned with the possibility of not having grandchildren. Research is needed to investigate
whether gay/lesbian adolescents experience problems that other adolescents do not experience.
Research is needed around lesbian parenting, custody issues, and the treatment of expectant lesbian
mothers in the lesbian community. Lifespan studies of gays, the effect of AIDS in families, and the
relationship of homosexual couples are other topics in need of investigation.
Carl, D. (1990). Parenting/blended family issues. In D. Carl (Ed.), Couseling same-sex couples (pp.
91-106). New York: Norton.
Presents some of the author's thoughts on issues confronting gay parents, with many being similar to
issues facing "blended families" in general. No research study is presented and no literature review
cited. Three elements that families deal with are: individual needs, the couple's needs, and the
family's needs. Notes that it is usually the couple's needs that get neglected with negative effects
for future family functioning. The issues of gay parents being partially or totally "cut off" from
their children, at times through court rulings, places further stress on individuals, couples, and
families. Discusses the complexities for gay parents and couples in working out visitation which can
come under informal and formal custody arrangements, along with the added stress gay/lesbian parents
face in developing support networks in the community. The stress developed through secrecy is an
issue presented in work with couples and parents. Suggests the active development of networks with
the help of the therapist and the need for therapists to move beyond more traditional therapy roles
as ways to increase and at times develop non-existent support networks.
Clunis, D. M., & Green, G. D. (1988). Lesbian couples wi | | | | | | |
