| Topic: |
Religions > Atheism |
| User: |
"" |
| Date: |
08 May 2007 07:06:59 AM |
| Object: |
Sep C&S History Lessons #15 |
APRIL 16-21, 1802
Dear Sir.
Your letter of the 12th inst. has relieved me from some
apprehension. Yet it is well that it should be perfectly understood by the
truly sound part of the Federalists, that there do in fact exist intrigues
in good earnest, between several individuals not unimportant, of the
Federal Party, and the person in question; which are bottomed upon motives
& views, by no means auspicious to the real welfare of the country. I am
glad to find that it is in contemplation to adopt a plan of conduct. It is
very necessary; & to be useful it must be efficient & comprehensive in the
means which it embraces, at the same time that it must meditate none which
are not really constitutional & patriotic. I will comply with Your
invitation by submitting some ideas which from time to time have passed
through my mind. Nothing is more fallacious than to expect to produce any
valuable or permanent results, in political projects, by relying merely on
the reason of men. Men are rather reasoning tha[n] reasonable animals for
the most part governed by the impulse of passion. This is a truth well
understood by our adversaries who have practised upon it with no small
benefit to their cause. For at the very moment they are eulogizing the
reason of men & professing to appeal only to that faculty, they are
courting the strongest & most active passion of the
human heart --VANITY!
It is no less true that the Federalists seem not to have attended
to the fact sufficiently; and that they erred in relying so much oil the
rectitude & utility of their measures, as to have neglected the cultivation
of popular favour by fair & justifiable expedients. The observation has
been repeatedly made by me to individuals with whom I particularly
conversed & expedients suggested for gaining good will which were never
adopted. Unluckily however for us in the competition for the passions of
the people our opponents have great advantages over us; for the plain
reason, that the vicious are far more active than the good passions, and
that to win the latter to our side
we must renounce our principles & our objects, [?] unite in corrupting
public opinion till it becomes fit for nothing but mischief. Yet unless we
call contrive to take hold of & carry along with us some strong feelings of
the mind we shall in vain calculate upon any substantial or durable
results. Whatever plan We may adopt, to be successful must be founded on
the truth of this proposition. And perhaps it is not very easy for us to
give it full effect; especially not without some deviations from what on
other occasions we have maintained to be right. But in determining upon the
propriety of the deviations, we must consider whether it be possible for us
to succeed without in some degree employing the weapons which have been
employed against us, & whether the actual state & future prospect of
things, be not such as to justify the reciprocal use of them. I need not
fell you that I do not mean to countenance the imitation of things
intrinsically unworthy, but only of such as may be denominated irregular,
such as in a sound & stable order of things ought not to exist. Neither are
you to infer that ally revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion
the present Constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under
its banners, bona fide must we combat our political foes--rejecting all
changes but through the channel itself provides for amendments. By these
general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. I now offer
you the outline of the plan which they have suggested. Let an Association
be formed to be denominated, "The Christian Constitutional Society." It's
objects to be
1st The support of the Christian Religion.
2nd The support of the Constitution of the United States.(1)
Its Organization.
1st A directing council consisting of a President & 12 Members, of
whom 4 & the President to be a quorum.
2nd A sub-directing council in each State consisting of a Vice-
President & 12 Members, of whom 4 with the Vice-President to be a quorum &
3rd As many societies in each State, as local circumstances may permit to
be formed by the Sub-directing council.
The Meeting at Washington to Nominate the President & Vice-President
together with 4 Members of each of the councils, who are to complete their
own numbers respectively.
Its Means.
1st The diffusion of information. For this purpose not only the
Newspapers but pamphlets must be la[r]gely employed & to do this a fund
must be created. 5 dollars annually for 8 years, to be contributed by each
member who can really afford it, (taking care not to burden the less able
brethren) may afford a competent fund for a competent time. It is
essential to be able to disseminate gratis useful publications. Whenever
it can be done, & there is a press, clubs should be formed to meet once a
week, read the newspapers & prepare essays paragraphs &ct.
2nd The use of all lawful means in concert to promote the election
of fit men. A lively correspondence must be kept up between the different
Societies.
3rd The promoting of institutions of a charitable & useful nature
in the management of Federalists. The populous cities ought particularly to
be attended to. Perhaps it will be well to institute in such places 1st
Societies for the relief of Emigrants---
2nd. Academies each with one professor for instructing the
different Classes of Mechanics in the principles of Mechanics & Elements of
Chemistry. The cities have been employed by the Jacobins to give an
impulse to the country. And it is believed to be an alarming fact, that
while the question of Presidential Election was pending in the House of
R's. parties were organized in several of the Cities, in the event of
there being no election, to cut off the leading Federalists & sieze the
Government.(3) An Act of association to be drawn up in concise general
terms. It need only designate the "name" "objects" & contain an engagement
to promote the objects by all lawful means, and particularly by the
diffusion of Information.(4) This act to be signed by every member.
The foregoing to be the principal Engine. In addition let measures be
adopted to bring as soon as possible the repeal of the Judiciary law (5)
before the Supreme Court. Afterwards, if not before, let as many
Legislatures as can be prevailed upon, instruct their Senators to endeavour
to procure a repeal of the repealing law. The body of New-England speaking
the same language will give a powerful impulse. In Congress our friends to
propose little, to agree candidly to all good measures, & to resist &
expose all bad. This is a general sketch of what has occurred to me. it is
at the service of my friends for so much as it may be worth. With true
esteem & regard
Dr Sir Yours AH
FOOTNOTES:
(1). For some of H's earlier statements indicating his willingness to
employ religious ideas to achieve political objectives, see H to Timothy
Pickering, March 23, 1797; H to William Loughton Smith, April to, 1797;
"The Stand, No. III," April 7, 1798· From 1748 to 1802 the only references
to Christianity which have been found in his correspondence concern the
deaths of his son Philip and his sister-in-law Margarita Van Rensselaer.
See H to Elizabeth Hamilton, March 16, 1801; Benjamin Rush to H, November
26, 1801; H to Rush, March 19, 1802; John Dickinson to H, November 30,
1801; H to Dickinson, March 29, 1801; James McHenry to H, December 4, 1801;
George W. P. Custis to H, December 5, 1801; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to
H, December 5, 1801; Rufus King to H, January it, 1801.
Historians who have written about the Christian Constitutional
Society, including Allan McLane Hamilton, Broadus Mitchell, and Douglass
Adair and Marvin Harvey, agree that H's plan was for the most part an
extension of his earlier attempt to use religion as a political device to
counteract what he considered revolutionary ideas and activities al the
United States during the late seventeen-nineties (Hamilton, Intimate Life,
334-335; Mitchell, Hamilton, II, 513-14; Adair and Harvey, "Was Alexander
Hamilton a Christian Statesman?" The Williams and Mary Quarterly, 3rd
ser., XII, no. 2 [April, 1955], 308-29). These historians have also tried
to explain why in 1802 H proposed that religion be employed as a political
weapon. Allan McLane Hamilton believes that H turned to religion because of
his "fear for the future welfare of his country," and Mitchell states that
"Hamilton was returning to his early sacred beliefs, from which his
attention had long been distracted by the public tasks he had in hand."
Adair and Harvey, who have devoted more attention to this problem than
other scholars, conclude that H was motivated by a combination of his
earlier political attitudes as well as by genuine religious beliefs which
developed after his loss of power in the Federalist party and the death of
his son Philip in 1801.
(SOURCE OF INFORMATION: To James A. Bayard, from Alexander Hamilton, New
York, April 16-21, 1802, Letter Book Copy, MS Division, New York Public
Library; copy, Hamilton Papers, Library of Congress. The Papers of
Alexander Hamilton, Vol. XXV, July 1800-April 1802, edited by Harold C.
Syrett, Columbia University press, New York (1976) pp 605-610)
THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OF
SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
1750-1947 Vol 5
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
***************************************************************
You are invited to check out the following:
The Rise of the Theocratic States of America
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/theocracy.htm
American Theocrats - Past and Present
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/theocrats.htm
The Constitutional Principle: Separation of Church and State
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/index.html
[and to join the discussion group for the above site and/or Separation of
Church and State in general, listed below]
HRSepCnS · Historical Reality SepChurch&State
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/HRSepCnS/
***************************************************************
.. . . You can't understand a phrase such as "Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion" by syllogistic reasoning. Words
take their meaning from social as well as textual contexts, which is why "a
page of history is worth a volume of logic." New York Trust Co. v. Eisner,
256 U.S. 345, 349, 41 S.Ct. 506, 507, 65 L.Ed. 963 (1921) (Holmes, J.).
Sherman v. Community Consol. Dist. 21, 980 F.2d 437, 445 (7th Cir. 1992)
.. . .
****************************************************************
USAF LT. COL (Ret) Buffman (Glen P. Goffin) wrote
"You pilot always into an unknown future;
facts are your only clue. Get the facts!"
That philosophy 'snipit' helped to get me, and my crew, through a good
many combat missions and far too many scary, inflight, emergencies.
It has also played a significant role in helping me to expose the
plethora of radical Christian propaganda and lies that we find at
almost every media turn.
*****************************************************************
THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE:
SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/index.html
****************************************************************
.
|
|
| User: "" |
|
| Title: Re: Sep C&S History Lessons #15 |
20 May 2007 02:08:51 AM |
|
|
Wide Eyed in Wonder <kands00@hotmail.com> wrote:
:|On May 15, 5:20 am, wrote:
:|> Wide Eyed in Wonder <kand...@hotmail.com> wrote:
:|>
:|> >:|On May 8, 7:06 am, wrote:
:|> >:|> APRIL 16-21, 1802
:|> >:|>
:|> >:|> Dear Sir.
:|> >:|> Your letter of the 12th inst. has relieved me from some
:|> >:|> apprehension. Yet it is well that it should be perfectly understood by the
:|> >:|> truly sound part of the Federalists, that there do in fact exist intrigues
:|> >:|> in good earnest, between several individuals not unimportant, of the
:|> >:|> Federal Party, and the person in question; which are bottomed upon motives
:|> >:|> & views, by no means auspicious to the real welfare of the country. I am
:|> >:|> glad to find that it is in contemplation to adopt a plan of conduct. It is
:|> >:|> very necessary; & to be useful it must be efficient & comprehensive in the
:|> >:|> means which it embraces, at the same time that it must meditate none which
:|> >:|> are not really constitutional & patriotic. I will comply with Your
:|> >:|> invitation by submitting some ideas which from time to time have passed
:|> >:|> through my mind. Nothing is more fallacious than to expect to produce any
:|> >:|> valuable or permanent results, in political projects, by relying merely on
:|> >:|> the reason of men. Men are rather reasoning tha[n] reasonable animals for
:|> >:|> the most part governed by the impulse of passion. This is a truth well
:|> >:|> understood by our adversaries who have practised upon it with no small
:|> >:|> benefit to their cause. For at the very moment they are eulogizing the
:|> >:|> reason of men & professing to appeal only to that faculty, they are
:|> >:|> courting the strongest & most active passion of the
:|> >:|> human heart --VANITY!
:|> >:|>
:|> >:|> It is no less true that the Federalists seem not to have attended
:|> >:|> to the fact sufficiently; and that they erred in relying so much oil the
:|> >:|> rectitude & utility of their measures, as to have neglected the cultivation
:|> >:|> of popular favour by fair & justifiable expedients. The observation has
:|> >:|> been repeatedly made by me to individuals with whom I particularly
:|> >:|> conversed & expedients suggested for gaining good will which were never
:|> >:|> adopted. Unluckily however for us in the competition for the passions of
:|> >:|> the people our opponents have great advantages over us; for the plain
:|> >:|> reason, that the vicious are far more active than the good passions, and
:|> >:|> that to win the latter to our side
:|> >:|>
:|> >:|> we must renounce our principles & our objects, [?] unite in corrupting
:|> >:|> public opinion till it becomes fit for nothing but mischief. Yet unless we
:|> >:|> call contrive to take hold of & carry along with us some strong feelings of
:|> >:|> the mind we shall in vain calculate upon any substantial or durable
:|> >:|> results. Whatever plan We may adopt, to be successful must be founded on
:|> >:|> the truth of this proposition. And perhaps it is not very easy for us to
:|> >:|> give it full effect; especially not without some deviations from what on
:|> >:|> other occasions we have maintained to be right. But in determining upon the
:|> >:|> propriety of the deviations, we must consider whether it be possible for us
:|> >:|> to succeed without in some degree employing the weapons which have been
:|> >:|> employed against us, & whether the actual state & future prospect of
:|> >:|> things, be not such as to justify the reciprocal use of them. I need not
:|> >:|> fell you that I do not mean to countenance the imitation of things
:|> >:|> intrinsically unworthy, but only of such as may be denominated irregular,
:|> >:|> such as in a sound & stable order of things ought not to exist. Neither are
:|> >:|> you to infer that ally revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion
:|> >:|> the present Constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under
:|> >:|> its banners, bona fide must we combat our political foes--rejecting all
:|> >:|> changes but through the channel itself provides for amendments. By these
:|> >:|> general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. I now offer
:|> >:|> you the outline of the plan which they have suggested. Let an Association
:|> >:|> be formed to be denominated, "The Christian Constitutional Society." It's
:|> >:|> objects to be
:|> >:|> 1st The support of the Christian Religion.
:|> >:|> 2nd The support of the Constitution of the United States.(1)
:|> >:|> Its Organization.
:|> >:|> 1st A directing council consisting of a President & 12 Members, of
:|> >:|> whom 4 & the President to be a quorum.
:|> >:|> 2nd A sub-directing council in each State consisting of a Vice-
:|> >:|> President & 12 Members, of whom 4 with the Vice-President to be a quorum &
:|> >:|> 3rd As many societies in each State, as local circumstances may permit to
:|> >:|> be formed by the Sub-directing council.
:|> >:|> The Meeting at Washington to Nominate the President & Vice-President
:|> >:|> together with 4 Members of each of the councils, who are to complete their
:|> >:|> own numbers respectively.
:|> >:|> Its Means.
:|> >:|> 1st The diffusion of information. For this purpose not only the
:|> >:|> Newspapers but pamphlets must be la[r]gely employed & to do this a fund
:|> >:|> must be created. 5 dollars annually for 8 years, to be contributed by each
:|> >:|> member who can really afford it, (taking care not to burden the less able
:|> >:|> brethren) may afford a competent fund for a competent time. It is
:|> >:|> essential to be able to disseminate gratis useful publications. Whenever
:|> >:|> it can be done, & there is a press, clubs should be formed to meet once a
:|> >:|> week, read the newspapers & prepare essays paragraphs &ct.
:|> >:|> 2nd The use of all lawful means in concert to promote the election
:|> >:|> of fit men. A lively correspondence must be kept up between the different
:|> >:|> Societies.
:|> >:|> 3rd The promoting of institutions of a charitable & useful nature
:|> >:|> in the management of Federalists. The populous cities ought particularly to
:|> >:|> be attended to. Perhaps it will be well to institute in such places 1st
:|> >:|> Societies for the relief of Emigrants---
:|> >:|> 2nd. Academies each with one professor for instructing the
:|> >:|> different Classes of Mechanics in the principles of Mechanics & Elements of
:|> >:|> Chemistry. The cities have been employed by the Jacobins to give an
:|> >:|> impulse to the country. And it is believed to be an alarming fact, that
:|> >:|> while the question of Presidential Election was pending in the House of
:|> >:|> R's. parties were organized in several of the Cities, in the event of
:|> >:|> there being no election, to cut off the leading Federalists & sieze the
:|> >:|> Government.(3) An Act of association to be drawn up in concise general
:|> >:|> terms. It need only designate the "name" "objects" & contain an engagement
:|> >:|> to promote the objects by all lawful means, and particularly by the
:|> >:|> diffusion of Information.(4) This act to be signed by every member.
:|> >:|> The foregoing to be the principal Engine. In addition let measures be
:|> >:|> adopted to bring as soon as possible the repeal of the Judiciary law (5)
:|> >:|> before the Supreme Court. Afterwards, if not before, let as many
:|> >:|> Legislatures as can be prevailed upon, instruct their Senators to endeavour
:|> >:|> to procure a repeal of the repealing law. The body of New-England speaking
:|> >:|> the same language will give a powerful impulse. In Congress our friends to
:|> >:|> propose little, to agree candidly to all good measures, & to resist &
:|> >:|> expose all bad. This is a general sketch of what has occurred to me. it is
:|> >:|> at the service of my friends for so much as it may be worth. With true
:|> >:|> esteem & regard
:|> >:|> Dr Sir Yours AH
:|> >:|> FOOTNOTES:
:|> >:|> (1). For some of H's earlier statements indicating his willingness to
:|> >:|> employ religious ideas to achieve political objectives, see H to Timothy
:|> >:|> Pickering, March 23, 1797; H to William Loughton Smith, April to, 1797;
:|> >:|> "The Stand, No. III," April 7, 1798· From 1748 to 1802 the only references
:|> >:|> to Christianity which have been found in his correspondence concern the
:|> >:|> deaths of his son Philip and his sister-in-law Margarita Van Rensselaer.
:|> >:|> See H to Elizabeth Hamilton, March 16, 1801; Benjamin Rush to H, November
:|> >:|> 26, 1801; H to Rush, March 19, 1802; John Dickinson to H, November 30,
:|> >:|> 1801; H to Dickinson, March 29, 1801; James McHenry to H, December 4, 1801;
:|> >:|> George W. P. Custis to H, December 5, 1801; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to
:|> >:|> H, December 5, 1801; Rufus King to H, January it, 1801.
:|> >:|> Historians who have written about the Christian Constitutional
:|> >:|> Society, including Allan McLane Hamilton, Broadus Mitchell, and Douglass
:|> >:|> Adair and Marvin Harvey, agree that H's plan was for the most part an
:|> >:|> extension of his earlier attempt to use religion as a political device to
:|> >:|> counteract what he considered revolutionary ideas and activities al the
:|> >:|> United States during the late seventeen-nineties (Hamilton, Intimate Life,
:|> >:|> 334-335; Mitchell, Hamilton, II, 513-14; Adair and Harvey, "Was Alexander
:|> >:|> Hamilton a Christian Statesman?" The Williams and Mary Quarterly, 3rd
:|> >:|> ser., XII, no. 2 [April, 1955], 308-29). These historians have also tried
:|> >:|> to explain why in 1802 H proposed that religion be employed as a political
:|> >:|> weapon. Allan McLane Hamilton believes that H turned to religion because of
:|> >:|> his "fear for the future welfare of his country," and Mitchell states that
:|> >:|> "Hamilton was returning to his early sacred beliefs, from which his
:|> >:|> attention had long been distracted by the public tasks he had in hand."
:|> >:|> Adair and Harvey, who have devoted more attention to this problem than
:|> >:|> other scholars, conclude that H was motivated by a combination of his
:|> >:|> earlier political attitudes as well as by genuine religious beliefs which
:|> >:|> developed after his loss of power in the Federalist party and the death of
:|> >:|> his son Philip in 1801.
:|> >:|> (SOURCE OF INFORMATION: To James A. Bayard, from Alexander Hamilton, New
:|> >:|> York, April 16-21, 1802, Letter Book Copy, MS Division, New York Public
:|> >:|> Library; copy, Hamilton Papers, Library of Congress. The Papers of
:|> >:|> Alexander Hamilton, Vol. XXV, July 1800-April 1802, edited by Harold C.
:|> >:|> Syrett, Columbia University press, New York (1976) pp 605-610)
:|> >:|> THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OF
:|> >:|> SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
:|> >:|> 1750-1947 Vol 5
:|> >:|>
:|> >:|> ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
:|> >:|
:|> >:|The "Christian Constitutional Society" - an organization Hamilton
:|> >:|proposed creating.
:|> >:|
:|
:|Couldn't deny Hamilton's religious side...I see.
:|
:|Ken Clifton
:|christiansuperhero.com
Alexander Hamilton. A man who advocated using religion as a tool for
political gain.
Did you fail to read this:
FOOTNOTES:
(1). For some of H's earlier statements indicating his willingness to
employ religious ideas to achieve political objectives, see H to Timothy
Pickering, March 23, 1797; H to William Loughton Smith, April to, 1797;
"The Stand, No. III," April 7, 1798· From 1748 to 1802 the only references
to Christianity which have been found in his correspondence concern the
deaths of his son Philip and his sister-in-law Margarita Van Rensselaer.
See H to Elizabeth Hamilton, March 16, 1801; Benjamin Rush to H, November
26, 1801; H to Rush, March 19, 1802; John Dickinson to H, November 30,
1801; H to Dickinson, March 29, 1801; James McHenry to H, December 4, 1801;
George W. P. Custis to H, December 5, 1801; Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to
H, December 5, 1801; Rufus King to H, January it, 1801.
Historians who have written about the Christian Constitutional
Society, including Allan McLane Hamilton, Broadus Mitchell, and Douglass
Adair and Marvin Harvey, agree that H's plan was for the most part an
extension of his earlier attempt to use religion as a political device to
counteract what he considered revolutionary ideas and activities al the
United States during the late seventeen-nineties (Hamilton, Intimate Life,
334-335; Mitchell, Hamilton, II, 513-14; Adair and Harvey, "Was Alexander
Hamilton a Christian Statesman?" The Williams and Mary Quarterly, 3rd
ser., XII, no. 2 [April, 1955], 308-29). These historians have also tried
to explain why in 1802 H proposed that religion be employed as a political
weapon. Allan McLane Hamilton believes that H turned to religion because of
his "fear for the future welfare of his country," and Mitchell states that
"Hamilton was returning to his early sacred beliefs, from which his
attention had long been distracted by the public tasks he had in hand."
Adair and Harvey, who have devoted more attention to this problem than
other scholars, conclude that H was motivated by a combination of his
earlier political attitudes as well as by genuine religious beliefs which
developed after his loss of power in the Federalist party and the death of
his son Philip in 1801.
(SOURCE OF INFORMATION: To James A. Bayard, from Alexander Hamilton, New
York, April 16-21, 1802, Letter Book Copy, MS Division, New York Public
Library; copy, Hamilton Papers, Library of Congress. The Papers of
Alexander Hamilton, Vol. XXV, July 1800-April 1802, edited by Harold C.
Syrett, Columbia University press, New York (1976) pp 605-610)
THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE OF
SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
1750-1947 Vol 5
******************************
So the question becomes, exactly what was his religious "side"?
When scholars don't know, you sure as hell don't know.
See
Sep C&S History Lessons #20
***************************************************************
You are invited to check out the following:
The Rise of the Theocratic States of America
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/theocracy.htm
American Theocrats - Past and Present
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/theocrats.htm
The Constitutional Principle: Separation of Church and State
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/index.html
[and to join the discussion group for the above site and/or Separation of
Church and State in general, listed below]
HRSepCnS · Hampton Roads [Virginia] SepChurch&State
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/HRSepCnS/
[Its not just Hampton Roads folks who are members, there are members from
all over the US and a couple from overseas as well]
***************************************************************
.. . . You can't understand a phrase such as "Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion" by syllogistic reasoning. Words
take their meaning from social as well as textual contexts, which is why "a
page of history is worth a volume of logic." New York Trust Co. v. Eisner,
256 U.S. 345, 349, 41 S.Ct. 506, 507, 65 L.Ed. 963 (1921) (Holmes, J.).
Sherman v. Community Consol. Dist. 21, 980 F.2d 437, 445 (7th Cir. 1992)
.. . .
****************************************************************
USAF LT. COL (Ret) Buffman (Glen P. Goffin) wrote
"You pilot always into an unknown future;
facts are your only clue. Get the facts!"
That philosophy 'snipit' helped to get me, and my crew, through a good
many combat missions and far too many scary, inflight, emergencies.
It has also played a significant role in helping me to expose the
plethora of radical Christian propaganda and lies that we find at
almost every media turn.
*****************************************************************
THE CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLE:
SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
http://members.tripod.com/~candst/index.html
****************************************************************
.
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