| Topic: |
Religions > Bible |
| User: |
"• Ninure Saunders" |
| Date: |
25 Aug 2005 12:00:34 PM |
| Object: |
(!) Riding the Saffron Wave |
(!) Riding the Saffron Wave
Sightings 8/25/05
Riding the Saffron Wave
-- Peter Gottschalk
From the recent role of conservative Christians in U.S. elections to the
place of Islam in Iraq's emerging constitution, the relationship between
religion and politics has become a key issue in many democracies. This is
no less the case in the world's largest democracy, India.
Having watched militant Hindu nationalism crest as a political force with
the ascent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, or the Indian People's
Party) to finally control India's central government in 1998, many
observers feared that the communally divisive politics that propelled the
party's rise would also characterize its rule. With the surprise defeat of
the BJP in 2004 and the return of the secular Congress Party, it appears
that others do not believe that the BJP did enough to promote political
Hindutva, or "Hindu-ness."
Most such critics stand in the vanguard of Hindu militancy, the Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS, or National Volunteers Society), and its cultural
organization, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP, or World Hindu Council). The
efforts of L. K. Advani, the BJP president, to cope with public criticism
of BJP leadership reflects his struggle to continue riding the Hindutva
wave while making the necessary concessions in building a ruling
coalition.
In April 2005, within a year following the BJP's fall from national rule,
K. S. Sudarshan, chief of the RSS, launched a high-profile criticism of
both Advani and Atal Behari Vajpayee, former BJP prime minister. He
suggested that the two step aside, voicing the disappointment of many
Hindutva activists in the BJP's inadequate promotion of Hindu nationalist
goals. Among these is the creation of a temple atop the ruins of the Babri
Mosque. Certainly Sudarshan's criticism of Advani is ironic, as it was
Advani's tours through north India that not only promoted the destruction
of the 500-year-old mosque in the city of Ayodhya, but also provoked
violence against Muslims. Although this tour abruptly ended with Advani's
arrest, it was instrumental in developing the fervor that led militant
Hindus to finally destroy the mosque in 1992.
It appeared to bode poorly for India's religious minorities, especially
Muslims and Christians, that the violence promoted by Advani's campaign
succeeded in engendering an electoral victory. It seemed inevitable that,
aggressively pursuing Hindutva goals, he would oversee the construction of
the new temple, thus ensuring the resentment of Muslims.
However, the dynamics of multi-party parliamentary politics ultimately
left few completely satisfied with BJP rule. The cadres of the RSS and
other Hindutva organizations would not see all their projects realized.
Without a clear majority, the BJP had to create a coalition of parties to
secure rule under the umbrella of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
Furthermore, the anti-minority campaigns characteristic of the 1980s
threatened to alienate important components of the broader base needed to
secure electoral success nationally. This situation thus required the BJP
to mitigate their earlier agenda.
Nevertheless, communal politics continued to take its toll, primarily on
those with the least power. Most egregiously, riots in the state of
Gujarat in 2002 killed at least a thousand people -- mostly Muslims -- and
left tens of thousands homeless. Media and other reports demonstrated that
the BJP-led state and national governments failed to take appropriate
measures to protect its Muslims citizens. Moreover, substantial charges of
police and political support for the rioters have made the event appear
more a pogrom than a riot (as political scientist Paul Brass has
suggested).
Advani's most recent reversals in course demonstrate just how difficult it
is to determine which winds blow best for his ends. In May 2005 he visited
India's nemesis Pakistan, and shocked many Indians when he saluted that
nation's founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah.Most Indians revile this Muslim
nationalist for rending the newly independent subcontinent into two
nations following British withdrawal in 1947.
Advani further confounded Hindutva activists by declaring that the Babri
Mosque's destruction marked the "saddest day" in his life. Yet, just two
months later, following the failed armed assault on a temple in Ayodhya,
Advani sought to reinsert himself into the Hindutva mainstream by
declaring that "the people of Hindustan would not be satisfied if a grand
Ram temple is not built" -- a proposition meeting with uncertain popular
response.
Also uncertain is where Advani's travails will lead him next. His
unpredictable course mirrors the vicissitudes confronting Hindutva
strategists working to promote political agendas in the context of
multi-party democracy.
The saga of political Hindutva thus reflects the perpetually fluctuating
definitions of both nation and religious community inherent to most
democratic imaginations. Despite the certainty with which political
leaders and many citizens speak of the character of their nations and
religions, these never exist outside a realm of perpetual social
negotiation.
Peter Gottschalk is Associate Professor in the Department of Religion at
Wesleyan University.
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Divinity School.
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Pax Christi,
• Ninure Saunders aka Rainbow Christian
Jesus is my Shepherd and He knows I'm Gay
http://Ninure-Saunders.tk
My Yahoo Group
http://Ninure.tk
Universal Fellowship of Metropolitan Community Churches
http://www.MCCchurch.org
The Bible Site - help provide free scripture
http://www.thebiblesite.org
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