http://www.house.gov/paul/congrec/congrec2003/cr071003.htm
HON. RON PAUL OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
July 10, 2003
Neo - CONNED !
The modern-day limited-government movement has
been co-opted. The conservatives have failed in their effort to
shrink the size of government. There has not been, nor will
there soon be, a conservative revolution in Washington. Party
control of the federal government has changed, but the
inexorable growth in the size and scope of government has
continued unabated. The liberal arguments for limited
government in personal affairs and foreign military
adventurism were never seriously considered as part
of this revolution.
Since the change of the political party in charge
has not made a difference, who’s really in charge? If the
particular party in power makes little difference, whose
policy is it that permits expanded government programs,
increased spending, huge deficits, nation building and
the pervasive invasion of our privacy, with fewer
Fourth Amendment protections than ever before?
Someone is responsible, and it’s important that those
of us who love liberty, and resent big-brother government,
identify the philosophic supporters who have the most to
say about the direction our country is going. If they’re
wrong--and I believe they are--we need to show it, alert the
American people, and offer a more positive approach to government.
However, this depends on whether the American people
desire to live in a free society and reject the dangerous
notion that we need a strong central government to take
care of us from the cradle to the grave. Do the American
people really believe it’s the government’s responsibility
to make us morally better and economically equal? Do
we have a responsibility to police the world,
while imposing our vision of good government on
everyone else in the world with some form of utopian
nation building? If not, and the contemporary enemies
of liberty are exposed and rejected, then it behooves
us to present an alternative philosophy that is morally
superior and economically sound and provides a guide to
world affairs to enhance peace and commerce.
One thing is certain: conservatives who worked
and voted for less government in the Reagan years
and welcomed the takeover of the U.S. Congress and
the presidency in the 1990s and early 2000s were
deceived. Soon they will realize that the goal of limited
government has been dashed and that their views no
longer matter.
The so-called conservative revolution of the past
two decades has given us massive growth in government size,
spending and regulations. Deficits are exploding and the
national debt is now rising at greater than a half-trillion
dollars per year. Taxes do not go down--even if we vote
to lower them. They can’t, as long as spending is increased,
since all spending must be paid for one way or another. Both
Presidents Reagan and the elder George Bush raised taxes
directly. With this administration, so far, direct taxes have
been reduced--and they certainly should have been--but
it means little if spending increases and deficits rise.
When taxes are not raised to accommodate higher
spending, the bills must be paid by either borrowing or "printing"
new money. This is one reason why we conveniently have
a generous Federal Reserve chairman who is willing to
accommodate the Congress. With borrowing and inflating,
the "tax" is delayed and distributed in a way that makes it difficult
for those paying the tax to identify it. Like future generations
and those on fixed incomes who suffer from rising prices, and
those who lose jobs they certainly feel the consequences of
economic dislocation that this process causes. Government
spending is always a "tax" burden on the American people
and is never equally or fairly distributed. The poor and low-middle
income workers always suffer the most from the deceitful
tax of inflation and borrowing.
Many present-day conservatives, who generally argue
for less government and supported the Reagan/Gingrich/Bush
takeover of the federal government, are now justifiably disillusioned.
Although not a monolithic group, they wanted to shrink the
size of government.
Early in our history, the advocates of limited, constitutional
government recognized two important principles: the rule of
law was crucial, and a constitutional government must derive "just
powers from the consent of the governed." It was understood that
an explicit transfer of power to government could only occur with
power rightfully and naturally endowed to each individual as a God-
given right. Therefore, the powers that could be transferred would
be limited to the purpose of protecting liberty. Unfortunately, in the
last 100 years, the defense of liberty has been fragmented and shared
by various groups, with some protecting civil liberties, others
economic freedom, and a small diverse group arguing for a foreign
policy of nonintervention.
The philosophy of freedom has had a tough go of it, and it
was hoped that the renewed interest in limited government of
the past two decades would revive an interest in reconstituting the
freedom philosophy into something more consistent. Those
who worked for the goal of limited government power believed
the rhetoric of politicians who promised smaller government.
Sometimes it was just plain sloppy thinking on their part, but at
other times, they fell victim to a deliberate distortion of a concise
limited-government philosophy by politicians who misled many
into believing that we would see a rollback on government
intrusiveness.
Yes, there was always a remnant who longed for truly limited
government and maintained a belief in the rule of law, combined with
a deep conviction that free people and a government bound by a
Constitution were the most advantageous form of government.
They recognized it as the only practical way for prosperity to be
spread to the maximum number of people while promoting peace
and security.
That remnant--imperfect as it may have been--was heard from
in the elections of 1980 and 1994 and then achieved major victories
in 2000 and 2002 when professed limited-government proponents
took over the White House, the Senate and the House. However,
the true believers in limited government are now shunned and laughed
at. At the very least, they are ignored--except when they are used
by the new leaders of the right, the new conservatives now in charge
of the U.S. government.
The remnant’s instincts were correct, and the politicians placated
them with talk of free markets, limited government, and a humble,
non-nation-building foreign policy. However, little concern for civil
liberties was expressed in this recent quest for less government. Yet,
for an ultimate victory of achieving freedom, this must change. Interest
in personal privacy and choices has generally remained outside the
concern of many conservatives--especially with the great harm done
by their support of the drug war. Even though some confusion has
emerged over our foreign policy since the breakdown of the Soviet
empire, it’s been a net benefit in getting some conservatives back on
track with a less militaristic, interventionist foreign policy. Unfortunately,
after 9-ll, the cause of liberty suffered a setback. As a result, millions of
Americans voted for the less-than-perfect conservative revolution because
they believed in the promises of the politicians.
Now there’s mounting evidence to indicate exactly what
happened to the revolution. Government is bigger than ever,
and future commitments are overwhelming. Millions will soon
become disenchanted with the new status quo delivered to the
American people by the advocates of limited government and
will find it to be just more of the old status quo. Victories for
limited government have turned out to be hollow indeed.
Since the national debt is increasing at a rate greater than
a half-trillion dollars per year, the debt limit was recently increased
by an astounding $984 billion dollars. Total U.S. government
obligations are $43 trillion, while the total net worth of U.S.
households is about $40.6 trillion. The country is broke, but no
one in Washington seems to notice or care. The philosophic and
political commitment for both guns and butter--and especially the
expanding American empire--must be challenged. This is crucial for our survival.
In spite of the floundering economy, Congress and the
Administration continue to take on new commitments in foreign
aid, education, farming, medicine, multiple efforts at nation building,
and preemptive wars around the world. Already we’re entrenched in Iraq
and Afghanistan, with plans to soon add new trophies to our conquest.
War talk abounds as to when Syria, Iran and North Korea will be attacked.
How did all this transpire? Why did the government do it? Why
haven’t the people objected? How long will it go on before something
is done? Does anyone care?
Will the euphoria of grand military victories--against non-enemies--ever
be mellowed? Someday, we as a legislative body must face the reality of the
dire situation in which we have allowed ourselves to become enmeshed.
Hopefully, it will be soon!
We got here because ideas do have consequences. Bad ideas have
bad consequences, and even the best of intentions have unintended
consequences. We need to know exactly what the philosophic ideas
were that drove us to this point; then, hopefully, reject them and decide
on another set of intellectual parameters.
There is abundant evidence exposing those who drive our foreign policy
justifying preemptive war. Those who scheme are proud of the achievements in
usurping control over foreign policy. These are the neoconservatives of recent fame.
Granted, they are talented and achieved a political victory that all policymakers
must admire. But can freedom and the republic survive this takeover? That question
should concern us.
Neoconservatives are obviously in positions of influence and are well-placed
throughout our government and the media. An apathetic Congress put up little resistance
and abdicated its responsibilities over foreign affairs. The electorate was easily
influenced to join in the patriotic fervor supporting the military adventurism
advocated by the neoconservatives.
The numbers of those who still hope for truly limited government diminished
and had their concerns ignored these past 22 months, during the aftermath of
9-11. Members of Congress were easily influenced to publicly support any
domestic policy or foreign military adventure that was supposed to help reduce
the threat of a terrorist attack. Believers in limited government were harder to
find. Political money, as usual, played a role in pressing Congress into supporting
almost any proposal suggested by the neocons. This process--where campaign
dollars and lobbying efforts affect policy--is hardly the domain of any single
political party, and unfortunately, is the way of life in Washington.
There are many reasons why government continues to grow.
It would be naïve for anyone to expect otherwise. Since 9-11, protection of
privacy, whether medical, personal or financial, has vanished. Free speech
and the Fourth Amendment have been under constant attack. Higher welfare
expenditures are endorsed by the leadership of both parties. Policing the
world and nation-building issues are popular campaign targets, yet they
are now standard operating procedures. There’s no sign that these
programs will be slowed or reversed until either we are stopped by force
overseas (which won’t be soon) or we go broke and can no longer afford
these grandiose plans for a world empire (which will probably come
sooner than later.)
None of this happened by accident or coincidence. Precise philosophic
ideas prompted certain individuals to gain influence to implement these plans.
The neoconservatives--a name they gave themselves--diligently worked their
way into positions of power and influence. They documented their goals,
strategy and moral justification for all they hoped to accomplish. Above all
else, they were not and are not conservatives dedicated to limited,
constitutional government.
Neo-conservatism has been around for decades and, strangely, has
connections to past generations as far back as Machiavelli. Modern-day neo-
conservatism was introduced to us in the 1960s. It entails both a detailed
strategy as well as a philosophy of government. The ideas of Teddy Roosevelt,
and certainly Woodrow Wilson, were quite similar to many of the
views of present-day neocons. Neocon spokesman Max Boot brags that what
he advocates is "hard Wilsonianism." In many ways, there’s nothing "neo"
about their views, and certainly nothing conservative. Yet they have been
able to co-opt the conservative movement by advertising themselves as a
new or modern form of conservatism.
More recently, the modern-day neocons have come from the far left, a
group historically identified as former Trotskyites. Liberal, Christopher Hitchens,
has recently officially joined the neocons, and it has been reported that he has
already been to the White House as an ad hoc consultant. Many neocons now in
positions of influence in Washington can trace their status back to Professor
Leo Strauss of the University of Chicago. One of Strauss’ books was Thoughts
on Machiavelli. This book was not a condemnation of Machiavelli’s philosophy.
Paul Wolfowitz actually got his PhD under Strauss. Others closely associated
with these views are Richard Perle, Eliot Abrams, Robert Kagan, and William
Kristol. All are key players in designing our new strategy of preemptive war.
Others include: Michael Ledeen of the American Enterprise Institute; former
CIA Director James Woolsey; Bill Bennett of Book of Virtues fame; Frank Gaffney;
***** Cheney; and Donald Rumsfeld. There are just too many to mention who are
philosophically or politically connected to the neocon philosophy in some varying
degree.
The godfather of modern-day neo-conservatism is considered to be Irving
Kristol, father of Bill Kristol, who set the stage in 1983 with his publication Reflections
of a Neoconservative. In this book, Kristol also defends the traditional liberal
position on welfare.
More important than the names of people affiliated with neo-conservatism are the
views they adhere to. Here is a brief summary of the general understanding
of what neocons believe:
1.They agree with Trotsky on permanent revolution,
violent as well as intellectual.
2.They are for redrawing the map of the Middle East and
are willing to use force to do so.
3.They believe in preemptive war to achieve desired ends.
4.They accept the notion that the ends justify the means--that
hardball politics is a moral necessity.
5.They express no opposition to the welfare state.
6.They are not bashful about an American empire; instead
they strongly endorse it.
7.They believe lying is necessary for the state to survive.
8.They believe a powerful federal government is a benefit.
9.They believe pertinent facts about how a society should be
run should be held by the elite and withheld from those who
do not have the courage to deal with it.
10. They believe neutrality in foreign affairs is ill advised.
11.They hold Leo Strauss in high esteem.
12.They believe imperialism, if progressive in nature, is appropriate.
13.Using American might to force American ideals on others is
acceptable. Force should not be limited to the defense of
our country.
14. 9-11 resulted from the lack of foreign entanglements, not from too many.
15.They dislike and despise libertarians (therefore, the
same applies to all strict constitutionalists.)
16.They endorse attacks on civil liberties, such as those
found in the Patriot Act, as being necessary.
17.They unconditionally support Israel and have a close
alliance with the Likud Party.
Various organizations and publications over the last 30 years have played
a significant role in the rise to power of the neoconservatives. It took plenty
of money and commitment to produce the intellectual arguments needed
to convince the many participants in the movement of its respectability.
It is no secret--especially after the rash of research and articles written
about the neocons since our invasion of Iraq--how they gained
influence and what organizations were used to promote their cause.
Although for decades, they agitated for their beliefs through publications
like The National Review, The Weekly Standard, The Public Interest,
The Wall Street Journal, Commentary, and the New York Post, their
views only gained momentum in the 1990s following the first Persian Gulf
War--which still has not ended even with removal of Saddam Hussein.
They became convinced that a much more militant approach to resolving
all the conflicts in the Middle East was an absolute necessity, and
they were determined to implement that policy.
In addition to publications, multiple think tanks and projects were
created to promote their agenda. A product of the Bradley
Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) led the neocon
charge, but the real push for war came from the Project for
a New American Century (PNAC) another organization helped by the
Bradley Foundation. This occurred in 1998 and was chaired by Weekly
Standard editor Bill Kristol. They urged early on for war against Iraq,
but were disappointed with the Clinton administration, which never
followed through with its periodic bombings. Obviously, these
bombings were motivated more by Clinton’s personal and political
problems than a belief in the neocon agenda.
The election of 2000 changed all that. The Defense Policy Board,
chaired by Richard Perle, played no small role in coordinating the
various projects and think tanks, all determined to take us into
war against Iraq. It wasn’t too long before the dream of empire
was brought closer to reality by the election of 2000 with Paul
Wolfowitz, Richard Cheney, and Donald Rumsfeld playing key
roles in this accomplishment. The plan to promote an "American
greatness" imperialistic foreign policy was now a distinct possibility.
Iraq offered a great opportunity to prove their long-held theories.
This opportunity was a consequence of the 9-11 disaster.
The money and views of Rupert Murdoch also played a key role in
promoting the neocon views, as well as rallying support by
the general population, through his News Corporation, which owns
Fox News Network, the New York Post, and Weekly Standard. This
powerful and influential media empire did more to galvanize public
support for the Iraqi invasion than one might imagine. This facilitated
the Rumsfeld/Cheney policy as their plans to attack Iraq came to
fruition. It would have been difficult for the neocons to usurp foreign
policy from the restraints of Colin Powell’s State Department without
the successful agitation of the Rupert Murdoch empire. Max Boot was
satisfied, as he explained: "Neoconservatives believe in using
American might to promote American ideals abroad." This
attitude is a far cry from the advice of the Founders, who
advocated no entangling alliances and neutrality as the proper
goal of American foreign policy.
Let there be no doubt, those in the neocon camp had been anxious
to go to war against Iraq for a decade. They justified the use of force
to accomplish their goals, even if it required preemptive war. If anyone
doubts this assertion, they need only to read of their strategy in
"A Clean Break: a New Strategy for Securing the Realm." Although
they felt morally justified in changing the government in Iraq, they
knew that public support was important, and justification had to
be given to pursue the war. Of course, a threat to us had to exist
before the people and the Congress would go along with war.
The majority of Americans became convinced of this threat, which, in
actuality, never really existed. Now we have the ongoing debate over the
location of weapons of mass destruction. Where was the danger?
Was all this killing and spending necessary? How long will
this nation building and dying go on? When will we become
more concerned about the needs of our own citizens than the
problems we sought in Iraq and Afghanistan? Who knows
where we’ll go next--Iran, Syria or North Korea?
At the end of the Cold War, the neoconservatives realized a
rearrangement of the world was occurring and that our superior
economic and military power offered them a perfect opportunity
to control the process of remaking the Middle East.
It was recognized that a new era was upon us, and the neocons
welcomed Frances Fukuyama’s "end of history" declaration.
To them, the debate was over. The West won; the Soviets lost.
Old-fashioned communism was dead. Long live the new era of
neoconservatism. The struggle may not be over, but the West
won the intellectual fight, they reasoned. The only problem is that
the neocons decided to define the philosophy of the victors.
They have been amazingly successful in their efforts to
control the debate over what Western values are and by what
methods they will be spread throughout the world.
Communism surely lost a lot with the breakup of the Soviet Empire,
but this can hardly be declared a victory for American
liberty, as the Founders understood it. Neoconservatism is
not the philosophy of free markets and a wise foreign policy.
Instead, it represents big-government welfare at home and a
program of using our military might to spread their version of
American values throughout the world. Since neoconservatives
dominate the way the U.S. government now operates, it
behooves us all to understand their beliefs and goals.
The breakup of the Soviet system may well have been an
epic event but to say that the views of the neocons are the
unchallenged victors and that all we need do is wait for their
implementation is a capitulation to controlling the forces of
history that many Americans are not yet ready to concede.
There is surely no need to do so.
There is now a recognized philosophic connection
between modern-day neoconservatives and Irving
Kristol, Leo Strauss, and Machiavelli. This is important
in understanding that today’s policies and the
subsequent problems will be with us for years to
come if these policies are not reversed.
Not only did Leo Strauss write favorably of Machiavelli,
Michael Ledeen, a current leader of the neoconservative movement,
did the same in 1999 in his book with the title, Machiavelli
on Modern Leadership, and subtitled: Why Machiavelli’s iron
rules are as timely and important today as five centuries ago.
Ledeen is indeed an influential neocon theorist whose views
get lots of attention today in Washington. His book on Machiavelli,
interestingly enough, was passed out to Members of
Congress attending a political strategy meeting shortly after its
publication and at just about the time A Clean Break was issued.
In Ledeen’s most recent publication, The War Against the Terror
Masters, he reiterates his beliefs outlined in this 1999
Machaivelli book. He specifically praises: "Creative
destruction...both within our own society and
abroad...(foreigners) seeing America undo traditional
societies may fear us, for they do not wish to
be undone." Amazingly, Ledeen concludes: "They must
attack us in order to survive, just as we must destroy
them to advance our historic mission."
If those words don’t scare you, nothing will. If they are
not a clear warning, I don’t know what could be. It sounds like both
sides of each disagreement in the world will be following
the principle of preemptive war. The world is certainly a less
safe place for it.
In Machiavelli on Modern Leadership, Ledeen praises a
business leader for correctly understanding Machiavelli: "There are
no absolute solutions. It all depends. What is right and what
is wrong depends on what needs to be done and how." This is a
clear endorsement of situational ethics and is not coming from
the traditional left. It reminds me of: "It depends on what the
definition of the word ‘is’ is."
Ledeen quotes Machiavelli approvingly on what makes a great
leader. "A prince must have no other objectives or other
thoughts or take anything for his craft, except war." To Ledeen,
this meant: "...the virtue of the warrior are those of great
leaders of any successful organization." Yet it’s obvious that
war is not coincidental to neocon philosophy, but an integral part.
The intellectuals justify it, and the politicians carry it out. There’s
a precise reason to argue for war over peace according to
Ledeen, for "...peace increases our peril by making discipline less
urgent, encouraging some of our worst instincts, in depriving
us of some of our best leaders." Peace, he claims, is a dream and
not even a pleasant one, for it would cause indolence and
would undermine the power of the state. Although I concede the
history of the world is a history of frequent war, to capitulate
and give up even striving for peace--believing peace is not a
benefit to mankind--is a frightening thought that condemns the
world to perpetual war and justifies it as a benefit and necessity.
These are dangerous ideas, from which no good can come.
The conflict of the ages has been between the state and the individual:
central power versus liberty. The more restrained the
state and the more emphasis on individual liberty, the greater has been
the advancement of civilization and general prosperity. Just as man’s
condition was not locked in place by the times and wars of old and
improved with liberty and free markets, there’s no reason to believe
a new stage for man might not be achieved by believing and working
for conditions of peace. The inevitability and so-called need for preemptive
war should never be intellectually justified as being a benefit. Such an attitude
guarantees the backsliding of civilization. Neocons, unfortunately,
claim that war is in man’s nature and that we can’t do much
about it, so let’s use it to our advantage by promoting our goodness
around the world through force of arms. That view is anathema to the
cause of liberty and the preservation of the Constitution. If it is not
loudly refuted, our future will be dire indeed.
Ledeen believes man is basically evil and cannot be left to his own
desires. Therefore, he must have proper and strong leadership, just as
Machiavelli argued. Only then can man achieve good, as Ledeen explains:
"In order to achieve the most noble accomplishments, the leader may have
to ‘enter into evil.’ This is the chilling insight that has made Machiavelli
so feared, admired and challenging...we are rotten," argues Ledeen.
"It’s true that we can achieve greatness if, and only if, we are
properly led." In other words, man is so depraved that individuals are
incapable of moral, ethical and spiritual greatness, and
achieving excellence and virtue can only come from a powerful
authoritarian leader. What depraved ideas are these to now be
influencing our leaders in Washington? The question Ledeen doesn’t
answer is: "Why do the political leaders not suffer from
the same shortcomings and where do they obtain their monopoly on
wisdom?"
Once this trust is placed in the hands of a powerful leader, this
neocon argues that certain tools are permissible to use. For
instance: "Lying is central to the survival of nations and to the
success of great enterprises, because if our enemies can count on
the reliability of everything you say, your vulnerability is enormously
increased." What about the effects of lying on one’s own
people? Who cares if a leader can fool the enemy? Does calling it
"strategic deception" make lying morally justifiable? Ledeen
and Machiavelli argue that it does, as long as the survivability of
the state is at stake. Preserving the state is their goal, even if the
personal liberty of all individuals has to be suspended or canceled.
Ledeen makes it clear that war is necessary to establish national
boundaries--because that’s the way it’s always been done.
Who needs progress of the human race! He explains:
"Look at the map of the world: national boundaries have not been
drawn by peaceful men leading lives of spiritual
contemplation. National boundaries have been established by war,
and national character has been shaped by struggle, most
often bloody struggle."
Yes, but who is to lead the charge and decide which borders we
are to fight for? What about borders 6,000 miles away
unrelated to our own contiguous borders and our own national
security? Stating a relative truism regarding the frequency of war
throughout history should hardly be the moral justification
for expanding the concept of war to settle man’s disputes. How can
one call this progress?
Machiavelli, Ledeen and the neocons recognized a
need to generate a religious zeal for promoting the state. This, he
claims, is especially necessary when force is used to promote
an agenda. It’s been true throughout history and remains true
today, each side of major conflicts invokes God’s approval.
Our side refers to a "crusade;" theirs to a "holy Jihad." Too often
wars boil down to their god against our God. It seems this
principle is more a cynical effort to gain approval from the masses,
especially those most likely to be killed for the sake of the
war promoters on both sides who have power, prestige and wealth
at stake.
Ledeen explains why God must always be on the
side of advocates of war: "Without fear of God, no state can last
long, for the dread of eternal damnation keeps men in line,
causes them to honor their promises, and inspires them to risk their
lives for the common good." It seems dying for the common
good has gained a higher moral status than eternal salvation of
one’s soul. Ledeen adds:
"Without fear of punishment, men will not obey laws that force
them to act contrary to their passions. Without fear of arms, the
state cannot enforce the laws...to this end, Machiavelli wants
leaders to make the state spectacular."
It’s of interest to note that some large Christian denominations
have joined the neoconservatives in promoting preemptive war,
while completely ignoring the Christian doctrine of a Just War.
The neocons sought and openly welcomed their support.
I’d like someone to glean anything from what the Founders
said or placed in the Constitution that agrees with this
now-professed doctrine of a "spectacular" state promoted by those
who now have so much influence on our policies here at home and
abroad. Ledeen argues that this religious element, this fear of God,
is needed for discipline of those who may be hesitant to sacrifice their
lives for the good of the "spectacular state."
He explains in eerie terms: "Dying for one’s country doesn’t
come naturally. Modern armies, raised from the populace, must be
inspired, motivated, indoctrinated. Religion is central to the military
enterprise, for men are more likely to risk their lives if they believe they
will be rewarded forever after for serving their country." This is an
admonition that might just as well have been given by Osama bin
Laden, in rallying his troops to sacrifice their lives to kill the
invading infidels, as by our intellectuals at the AEI, who greatly
influence our foreign policy.
Neocons--anxious for the U.S. to use force to realign the boundaries
and change regimes in the Middle East--clearly understand the benefit
of a galvanizing and emotional event to rally the people to their cause.
Without a special event, they realized the difficulty in selling their policy
of preemptive war where our own military personnel would be killed.
Whether it was the Lusitania, Pearl Harbor, the Gulf of Tonkin, or the
Maine, all served their purpose in promoting a war that was sought by
our leaders.
Ledeen writes of a fortuitous event (1999):
....of course, we can always get lucky. Stunning events from
outside can providentially awaken the enterprise from its growing
torpor, and demonstrate the need for reversal, as the devastating
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 so effectively
aroused the U.S. from its soothing dreams of permanent neutrality.
Amazingly, Ledeen calls Pearl Harbor a "lucky" event. The
Project for a New American Century, as recently as
September 2000, likewise, foresaw the need for "a Pearl Harbor event"
that would galvanize the American people to support
their ambitious plans to ensure political and economic domination of
the world, while strangling any potential "rival."
Recognizing a "need" for a Pearl Harbor event, and referring to
Pearl Harbor as being "lucky" are not identical to support and
knowledge of such an event, but this sympathy for a galvanizing
event, as 9-11 turned out to be, was used to promote an
agenda that strict constitutionalists and devotees of the Founders
of this nation find appalling is indeed disturbing. After 9-11,
Rumsfeld and others argued for an immediate attack on Iraq, even
though it was not implicated in the attacks.
The fact that neo-conservatives ridicule those who firmly believe
that U.S. interests and world peace would best be served by a
policy of neutrality and avoiding foreign entanglements should
not go unchallenged. Not to do so is to condone their grandiose
plans for American world hegemony.
The current attention given neocons is usually done in the
context of foreign policy. But there’s more to what’s going on today
than just the tremendous influence the neocons have on our
new policy of preemptive war with a goal of empire. Our
government is now being moved by several ideas that come
together in what I call "neoconism." The foreign policy is being
openly debated, even if its implications are not fully understood
by many who support it. Washington is now driven by old
views brought together in a new package.
We know those who lead us--both in the administration
and in Congress--show no appetite to challenge the tax or monetary
systems that do so much damage to our economy. The
IRS and the Federal Reserve are off limits for criticism or reform.
There’s no resistance to spending, either domestic or foreign.
Debt is not seen as a problem. The supply-siders won on this
issue, and now many conservatives readily endorse deficit
spending.
There’s no serious opposition to the expanding welfare state,
with rapid growth of the education, agriculture and medical-care
bureaucracy. Support for labor unions and protectionism are not
uncommon. Civil liberties are easily sacrificed in the post 9-11
atmosphere prevailing in Washington. Privacy issues are of little
concern, except for a few members of Congress. Foreign aid
and internationalism--in spite of some healthy criticism of the UN
and growing concerns for our national sovereignty--are
championed on both sides of the aisle. Lip service is given to the
free market and free trade, yet the entire economy is run by
special-interest legislation favoring big business, big labor and,
especially, big money.
Instead of the "end of history," we are now experiencing the
end of a vocal limited-government movement in our nation’s
capital. While most conservatives no longer defend balanced
budgets and reduced spending, most liberals have grown lazy in
defending civil liberties and now are approving wars that we initiate.
The so-called "third way" has arrived and, sadly, it has
taken the worst of what the conservatives and liberals have to offer.
The people are less well off for it, while liberty languishes
as a result.
Neocons enthusiastically embrace the Department of Education
and national testing. Both parties overwhelmingly support the
huge commitment to a new prescription drug program. Their
devotion to the new approach called "compassionate
conservatism" has lured many conservatives into supporting
programs for expanding the federal role in welfare and in church
charities. The faith-based initiative is a neocon project, yet it only
repackages and expands the liberal notion of welfare. The
intellectuals who promoted these initiatives were neocons, but
there’s nothing conservative about expanding the federal
government’s role in welfare.
The supply-siders’ policy of low-marginal tax rates has been
incorporated into neoconism, as well as their support for easy
money and generous monetary inflation. Neoconservatives
are disinterested in the gold standard and even ignore the
supply-siders’ argument for a phony gold standard.
Is it any wonder that federal government spending is
growing at a rate faster than in any time in the past 35 years?
Power, politics and privilege prevail over the rule of law,
liberty, justice and peace. But it does not need to be that way.
Neoconism has brought together many old ideas about
how government should rule the people. It may have modernized its
appeal and packaging, but authoritarian rule is authoritarian
rule, regardless of the humanitarian overtones. A solution can only
come after the current ideology driving our government policies
is replaced with a more positive one. In a historical context,
liberty is a modern idea and must once again regain the high
moral ground for civilization to advance. Restating the old
justifications for war, people control and a benevolent state
will not suffice. It cannot eliminate the shortcomings that always
occur when the state assumes authority over others and
when the will of one nation is forced on another--whether or not it is
done with good intentions.
I realize that all conservatives are not neoconservatives, and
all neocons don’t necessarily agree on all points--which means
that in spite of their tremendous influence, most Members of
Congress and those in the administration do not necessarily take
their marching orders from the AEI or Richard Perle. But to use
this as a reason to ignore what neoconservative leaders
believe, write about it and agitate for--with amazing success I
might point out--would be at our own peril. This country still
allows open discourse--though less everyday--and we who
disagree should push the discussion and expose those who drive
our policies. It is getting more difficult to get fair and
balanced discussion on the issues, because it has become
routine for the hegemons to label those who object to
preemptive war and domestic surveillance as traitors,
unpatriotic and un-American. The uniformity of support
for our current foreign policy by major and cable-news
networks should concern every American. We
should all be thankful for CSPAN and the internet.
Michael Ledeen and other neoconservatives are already
lobbying for war against Iran. Ledeen is pretty nasty to those who call
for a calmer, reasoned approach by calling those who are
not ready for war "cowards and appeasers of tyrants." Because
some urge a less militaristic approach to dealing with Iran,
he claims they are betraying America’s best "traditions." I wonder
where he learned early American history! It’s obvious that
Ledeen doesn’t consider the Founders and the Constitution part of
our best traditions. We were hardly encouraged by the
American revolutionaries to pursue an American empire. We were,
however, urged to keep the Republic they so painstakingly designed.
If the neoconservatives retain control of the conservative,
limited-government movement in Washington, the ideas, once
championed by conservatives, of limiting the size and
scope of government will be a long-forgotten dream.
The believers in liberty ought not deceive themselves.
Who should be satisfied? Certainly not conservatives, for there is no
conservative movement left. How could liberals be satisfied?
They are pleased with the centralization of education and medical
programs in Washington and support many of the administration’s
proposals. But none should be pleased with the steady
attack on the civil liberties of all American citizens and the
now-accepted consensus that preemptive war--for almost any
reason--is an acceptable policy for dealing with all the conflicts
and problems of the world.
In spite of the deteriorating conditions in Washington--with loss
of personal liberty, a weak economy, exploding deficits, and
perpetual war, followed by nation building--there are still quite a
number of us who would relish the opportunity to improve
things, in one way or another. Certainly, a growing number of frustrated
Americans, from both the right and the left, are getting
anxious to see this Congress do a better job. But first, Congress must stop
doing a bad job.
We’re at the point where we need a call to arms, both here in
Washington and across the country. I’m not talking about
firearms. Those of us who care need to raise both arms and face
our palms out and begin waving and shouting: Stop! Enough is
enough! It should include liberals, conservatives and independents.
We’re all getting a bum rap from politicians who are pushed
by polls and controlled by special-interest money.
One thing is certain, no matter how morally justified the programs and
policies seem, the ability to finance all the guns and butter
being promised is limited, and those limits are becoming more apparent
every day.
Spending, borrowing and printing money cannot be the road to
prosperity. It hasn’t worked in Japan, and it isn’t working here
either. As a matter of fact, it’s never worked anytime throughout
history. A point is always reached where government planning,
spending and inflation run out of steam. Instead of these old tools
reviving an economy, as they do in the early stages of
economic interventionism, they eventually become the problem.
Both sides of the political spectrum must one day realize that
limitless government intrusion in the economy, in our personal
lives and in the affairs of other nations cannot serve the best
interests of America. This is not a conservative problem, nor is it a
liberal problem--it’s a government intrusion problem that
comes from both groups, albeit for different reasons. The problems
emanate from both camps that champion different programs
for different reasons. The solution will come when both groups realize
that it’s not merely a single-party problem, or just a
liberal or just a conservative problem.
Once enough of us decide we’ve had enough of all these so-called
good things that the government is always promising--or
more likely, when the country is broke and the government is unable
to fulfill its promises to the people--we can start a serious
discussion on the proper role for government in a free society.
Unfortunately, it will be some time before Congress gets the
message that the people are demanding true reform.
This requires that those responsible for today’s problems are exposed and
their philosophy of pervasive government intrusion is rejected.
Let it not be said that no one cared, that no one objected
once it’s realized that our liberties and wealth are in jeopardy. A few
have, and others will continue to do so, but too many--both in
and out of government--close their eyes to the issue of personal
liberty and ignore the fact that endless borrowing to finance endless
demands cannot be sustained. True prosperity can only
come from a healthy economy and sound money. That can only be
achieved in a free society.
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