Politics > Politics-USA > Neo Nazi White Patriot Don Ocean should have written: "This war on terrorism is bogus: two Mossad Agents went to Washington in 2001 to warn the U.S. authorities of 200 potentially lethal terrorists on U.S. territory"
| Topic: |
Politics > Politics-USA |
| User: |
"Heinrich Salomon Abraham von Heinrichstein, Dr. Psy. Priv. Doz." |
| Date: |
11 Dec 2005 01:45:45 PM |
| Object: |
Neo Nazi White Patriot Don Ocean should have written: "This war on terrorism is bogus: two Mossad Agents went to Washington in 2001 to warn the U.S. authorities of 200 potentially lethal terrorists on U.S. territory" |
This war on terrorism is bogus
Written by Siber World News Team
Sunday, 11 December 2005
Massive attention has now been given - and rightly so - to the reasons
why Britain went to war against Iraq. But far too little attention has
focused on why the US went to war, and that throws light on British
motives too. The conventional explanation is that after the Twin Towers
were hit, retaliation against al-Qaida bases in Afghanistan was a
natural first step in launching a global war against terrorism.
Then, because Saddam Hussein was alleged by the US and UK governments
to retain weapons of mass destruction, the war could be extended to
Iraq as well. However this theory does not fit all the facts. The truth
may be a great deal murkier.
We now know that a blueprint for the creation of a global Pax Americana
was drawn up for ***** Cheney (now vice-president), Donald Rumsfeld
(defence secretary), Paul Wolfowitz (Rumsfeld's deputy), Jeb Bush
(George Bush's younger brother) and Lewis Libby (Cheney's chief of
staff). The document, entitled Rebuilding America's Defences, was
written in September 2000 by the neoconservative think tank, Project
for the New American Century (PNAC).
The plan shows Bush's cabinet intended to take military control of the
Gulf region whether or not Saddam Hussein was in power. It says "while
the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification,
the need for a substantial American force presence in the Gulf
transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein."
The PNAC blueprint supports an earlier document attributed to Wolfowitz
and Libby which said the US must "discourage advanced industrial
nations from challenging our leadership or even aspiring to a larger
regional or global role". It refers to key allies such as the UK as
"the most effective and efficient means of exercising American global
leadership". It describes peacekeeping missions as "demanding American
political leadership rather than that of the UN". It says "even should
Saddam pass from the scene", US bases in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait will
remain permanently... as "Iran may well prove as large a threat to US
interests as Iraq has". It spotlights China for "regime change", saying
"it is time to increase the presence of American forces in SE Asia".
The document also calls for the creation of "US space forces" to
dominate space, and the total control of cyberspace to prevent
"enemies" using the internet against the US. It also hints that the US
may consider developing biological weapons "that can target specific
genotypes [and] may transform biological warfare from the realm of
terror to a politically useful tool".
Finally - written a year before 9/11 - it pinpoints North Korea, Syria
and Iran as dangerous regimes, and says their existence justifies the
creation of a "worldwide command and control system". This is a
blueprint for US world domination. But before it is dismissed as an
agenda for rightwing fantasists, it is clear it provides a much better
explanation of what actually happened before, during and after 9/11
than the global war on terrorism thesis. This can be seen in several
ways.
First, it is clear the US authorities did little or nothing to pre-empt
the events of 9/11. It is known that at least 11 countries provided
advance warning to the US of the 9/11 attacks. Two senior Mossad
experts were sent to Washington in August 2001 to alert the CIA and FBI
to a cell of 200 terrorists said to be preparing a big operation (Daily
Telegraph, September 16 2001). The list they provided included the
names of four of the 9/11 hijackers, none of whom was arrested.
It had been known as early as 1996 that there were plans to hit
Washington targets with aeroplanes. Then in 1999 a US national
intelligence council report noted that "al-Qaida suicide bombers could
crash-land an aircraft packed with high explosives into the Pentagon,
the headquarters of the CIA, or the White House".
Fifteen of the 9/11 hijackers obtained their visas in Saudi Arabia.
Michael Springman, the former head of the American visa bureau in
Jeddah, has stated that since 1987 the CIA had been illicitly issuing
visas to unqualified applicants from the Middle East and bringing them
to the US for training in terrorism for the Afghan war in collaboration
with Bin Laden (BBC, November 6 2001). It seems this operation
continued after the Afghan war for other purposes. It is also reported
that five of the hijackers received training at secure US military
installations in the 1990s (Newsweek, September 15 2001).
Instructive leads prior to 9/11 were not followed up. French Moroccan
flight student Zacarias Moussaoui (now thought to be the 20th hijacker)
was arrested in August 2001 after an instructor reported he showed a
suspicious interest in learning how to steer large airliners. When US
agents learned from French intelligence he had radical Islamist ties,
they sought a warrant to search his computer, which contained clues to
the September 11 mission (Times, November 3 2001). But they were turned
down by the FBI. One agent wrote, a month before 9/11, that Moussaoui
might be planning to crash into the Twin Towers (Newsweek, May 20
2002).
All of this makes it all the more astonishing - on the war on terrorism
perspective - that there was such slow reaction on September 11 itself.
The first hijacking was suspected at not later than 8.20am, and the
last hijacked aircraft crashed in Pennsylvania at 10.06am. Not a single
fighter plane was scrambled to investigate from the US Andrews airforce
base, just 10 miles from Washington DC, until after the third plane had
hit the Pentagon at 9.38 am. Why not? There were standard FAA intercept
procedures for hijacked aircraft before 9/11. Between September 2000
and June 2001 the US military launched fighter aircraft on 67 occasions
to chase suspicious aircraft (AP, August 13 2002). It is a US legal
requirement that once an aircraft has moved significantly off its
flight plan, fighter planes are sent up to investigate.
Was this inaction simply the result of key people disregarding, or
being ignorant of, the evidence? Or could US air security operations
have been deliberately stood down on September 11? If so, why, and on
whose authority? The former US federal crimes prosecutor, John Loftus,
has said: "The information provided by European intelligence services
prior to 9/11 was so extensive that it is no longer possible for either
the CIA or FBI to assert a defence of incompetence."
Nor is the US response after 9/11 any better. No serious attempt has
ever been made to catch Bin Laden. In late September and early October
2001, leaders of Pakistan's two Islamist parties negotiated Bin Laden's
extradition to Pakistan to stand trial for 9/11. However, a US official
said, significantly, that "casting our objectives too narrowly" risked
"a premature collapse of the international effort if by some lucky
chance Mr Bin Laden was captured". The US chairman of the joint chiefs
of staff, General Myers, went so far as to say that "the goal has never
been to get Bin Laden" (AP, April 5 2002). The whistleblowing FBI agent
Robert Wright told ABC News (December 19 2002) that FBI headquarters
wanted no arrests. And in November 2001 the US airforce complained it
had had al-Qaida and Taliban leaders in its sights as many as 10 times
over the previous six weeks, but had been unable to attack because they
did not receive permission quickly enough (Time Magazine, May 13 2002).
None of this assembled evidence, all of which comes from sources
already in the public domain, is compatible with the idea of a real,
determined war on terrorism.
The catalogue of evidence does, however, fall into place when set
against the PNAC blueprint. From this it seems that the so-called "war
on terrorism" is being used largely as bogus cover for achieving wider
US strategic geopolitical objectives. Indeed Tony Blair himself hinted
at this when he said to the Commons liaison committee: "To be truthful
about it, there was no way we could have got the public consent to have
suddenly launched a campaign on Afghanistan but for what happened on
September 11" (Times, July 17 2002). Similarly Rumsfeld was so
determined to obtain a rationale for an attack on Iraq that on 10
separate occasions he asked the CIA to find evidence linking Iraq to
9/11; the CIA repeatedly came back empty-handed (Time Magazine, May 13
2002).
In fact, 9/11 offered an extremely convenient pretext to put the PNAC
plan into action. The evidence again is quite clear that plans for
military action against Afghanistan and Iraq were in hand well before
9/11. A report prepared for the US government from the Baker Institute
of Public Policy stated in April 2001 that "the US remains a prisoner
of its energy dilemma. Iraq remains a destabilising influence to... the
flow of oil to international markets from the Middle East". Submitted
to Vice-President Cheney's energy task group, the report recommended
that because this was an unacceptable risk to the US, "military
intervention" was necessary (Sunday Herald, October 6 2002).
Similar evidence exists in regard to Afghanistan. The BBC reported
(September 18 2001) that Niaz Niak, a former Pakistan foreign
secretary, was told by senior American officials at a meeting in Berlin
in mid-July 2001 that "military action against Afghanistan would go
ahead by the middle of October". Until July 2001 the US government saw
the Taliban regime as a source of stability in Central Asia that would
enable the construction of hydrocarbon pipelines from the oil and gas
fields in Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, through Afghanistan and
Pakistan, to the Indian Ocean. But, confronted with the Taliban's
refusal to accept US conditions, the US representatives told them
"either you accept our offer of a carpet of gold, or we bury you under
a carpet of bombs" (Inter Press Service, November 15 2001).
Given this background, it is not surprising that some have seen the US
failure to avert the 9/11 attacks as creating an invaluable pretext for
attacking Afghanistan in a war that had clearly already been well
planned in advance. There is a possible precedent for this. The US
national archives reveal that President Roosevelt used exactly this
approach in relation to Pearl Harbor on December 7 1941. Some advance
warning of the attacks was received, but the information never reached
the US fleet. The ensuing national outrage persuaded a reluctant US
public to join the second world war. Similarly the PNAC blueprint of
September 2000 states that the process of transforming the US into
"tomorrow's dominant force" is likely to be a long one in the absence
of "some catastrophic and catalyzing event - like a new Pearl Harbor".
The 9/11 attacks allowed the US to press the "go" button for a strategy
in accordance with the PNAC agenda which it would otherwise have been
politically impossible to implement.
The overriding motivation for this political smokescreen is that the US
and the UK are beginning to run out of secure hydrocarbon energy
supplies. By 2010 the Muslim world will control as much as 60% of the
world's oil production and, even more importantly, 95% of remaining
global oil export capacity. As demand is increasing, so supply is
decreasing, continually since the 1960s.
This is leading to increasing dependence on foreign oil supplies for
both the US and the UK. The US, which in 1990 produced domestically 57%
of its total energy demand, is predicted to produce only 39% of its
needs by 2010. A DTI minister has admitted that the UK could be facing
"severe" gas shortages by 2005. The UK government has confirmed that
70% of our electricity will come from gas by 2020, and 90% of that will
be imported. In that context it should be noted that Iraq has 110
trillion cubic feet of gas reserves in addition to its oil.
A report from the commission on America's national interests in July
2000 noted that the most promising new source of world supplies was the
Caspian region, and this would relieve US dependence on Saudi Arabia.
To diversify supply routes from the Caspian, one pipeline would run
westward via Azerbaijan and Georgia to the Turkish port of Ceyhan.
Another would extend eastwards through Afghanistan and Pakistan and
terminate near the Indian border. This would rescue Enron's beleaguered
power plant at Dabhol on India's west coast, in which Enron had sunk
$3bn investment and whose economic survival was dependent on access to
cheap gas.
Nor has the UK been disinterested in this scramble for the remaining
world supplies of hydrocarbons, and this may partly explain British
participation in US military actions. Lord Browne, chief executive of
BP, warned Washington not to carve up Iraq for its own oil companies in
the aftermath of war (Guardian, October 30 2002). And when a British
foreign minister met Gadaffi in his desert tent in August 2002, it was
said that "the UK does not want to lose out to other European nations
already jostling for advantage when it comes to potentially lucrative
oil contracts" with Libya (BBC Online, August 10 2002).
The conclusion of all this analysis must surely be that the "global war
on terrorism" has the hallmarks of a political myth propagated to pave
the way for a wholly different agenda - the US goal of world hegemony,
built around securing by force command over the oil supplies required
to drive the whole project. Is collusion in this myth and junior
participation in this project really a proper aspiration for British
foreign policy? If there was ever need to justify a more objective
British stance, driven by our own independent goals, this whole
depressing saga surely provides all the evidence needed for a radical
change of course.
Michael Meacher MP was environment minister from May 1997 to June 2003
http://www.sibernews.com/the_news/world_news/this_war_on_terrorism_is_bogus_200512113047/
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