| Topic: |
Politics > Politics-USA |
| User: |
"Aristotle" |
| Date: |
04 Aug 2004 08:28:22 PM |
| Object: |
Washington's Farewell Address and Current Policy |
The following is a partial quote from George Washington's
farewell address which,in fact and theory, addresses certain
foreign and domestic issues currently facing the USA. It
clearly shows that our first President, George Washington,
had great insight into the potential problems facing the USA
in the future and the means to efficaciously addressing. I
agree with Washington's appraisal and political viewpoint on
these issues and hope that American politicians and the
American people follow his precepts and the warnings that he
gave, something which they are not currently doing.
FAREWELL ADDRESS (1796)
George Washington
Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate
peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin
this conduct.
And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?
It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant
period a great
nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel
example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and
benevolence.
Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the
fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary
advantages which
might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that
Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a
nation with its
virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every
sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered
impossible
by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential
than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against
particular nations and
passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and
that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all
should be
cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an
habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a
slave. It is a
slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which
is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its
interest. Antipathy in one
nation against another disposes each more readily to offer
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage,
and to be haughty
and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of
dispute occur.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for
another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation,
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in
cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing
into one the
enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without
adequate inducement or
justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite
nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly
to injure the nation
making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what
ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill
will, and a
disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal
privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious,
corrupted, or deluded citizens
(who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to
betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country
without odium,
sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances
of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference
for public
opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or
infatuation....
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure
you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free
people ought to be
constantly awake, since history and experience prove that
foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of
republican
government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be
impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very
influence to be avoided,
instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for
one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause
those whom they
actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil
and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real
patriots who may
resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become
suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the
applause and
confidence of the people to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign
nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have
with them as little
political connection as possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good
faith. Here let
us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none
or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in
frequent
controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign
to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us
to implicate
ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of
her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of
her friendships or
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an
efficient
government, the period is not far off when we may defy
material injury from external annoyance; when we may take
such an
attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time
resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations, under
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose
peace or war,
as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why
quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by
interweaving our
destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace
and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,
interest, humor,
or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we
are now at
liberty to do it, for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the
maxim no less
applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is
always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those
engagements be
observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is
unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable
establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may
safely trust to
temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our
commercial policy
should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor
granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the
natural course of
things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with
powers so
disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define
the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to
support them,
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary
and liable to be
from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and
circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that
it is folly in one
nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that
it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever
it may accept
under that character; that by such acceptance it may place
itself in the condition of having given equivalents for
nominal favors, and
yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving
more. There can be no greater error than to expect or
calculate upon real
favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which
experience must cure, which a just pride ought to
discard....
Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too
sensible of my
defects not to think it probable that I may have committed
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the
Almighty to
avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall
also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease
to view them
with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life
dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of
incompetent
abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon
be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and
actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural
to a man who views
in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for
several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation
that retreat in which I
promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment
of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign
influence of
good laws under a free government -- the ever-favorite
object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our
mutual cares,
labors, and dangers.
Source: J.D. Richardson, ed., Compilation of Messages and
Papers of the Presidents, vol.1 (1907), 213.
.
|
|
|
Related Articles |
|
|
