"Liberty1st" <liberty1st_@email.com> schrieb im Newsbeitrag
news:pO6dnQ_YgONgY73cRVn-tQ@comcast.com...

Sadly, liberal is a term that is being used incorrectly. The Democrats

and

left wing of our country that make up the Democrat party are not

progressive

or liberal. What they are is Marxist and leftist.

This is what I like about Republicans: they are so much lost in their own
rightist world that they are convinced that everything left of
them -practically the whole world!- is marxist...

Boy, listening to you only, one would be tempted to believe that Hitler

center-right...

"AWOL Coward GW Chimpzilla" <patriot-for-cash@hotmail.com> wrote in

message

news:N_6Uc.166922$eM2.137819@attbi_s51...

What do our opponents mean when they apply to us the label "Liberal?"

by

"Liberal" they mean, as they want people to believe, someone who is

in his

policies abroad, who is against local government, and who is

with

the taxpayer's dollar, then the record of this party and its members
demonstrate that we are not that kind of "Liberal." But if by a

"Liberal"

they

mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new

ideas

without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the

people --

their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil

rights, and

their civil liberties -- someone who believes we can break through the
stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that

what

they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal."

But first, I would like to say what I understand the word "Liberal" to

mean and

explain in the process why I consider myself to be a "Liberal," and

it

means in the presidential election of 1960.

In short, having set forth my view -- I hope for all time -- two

ago in

Houston, on the proper relationship between church and state, I want

take

the opportunity to set forth my views on the proper relationship

the

state and the citizen. This is my political credo:

I believe in human dignity as the source of national purpose, in human

liberty

as the source of national action, in the human heart as the source of

national

compassion, and in the human mind as the source of our invention and

ideas.

It is, I believe, the faith in our fellow citizens as individuals and

people

that lies at the heart of the liberal faith. For liberalism is not so

much

a

party creed or set of fixed platform promises as it is an attitude of

mind

and

heart, a faith in man's ability through the experiences of his reason

and

judgment to increase for himself and his fellow men the amount of

justice

and

freedom and brotherhood which all human life deserves.

I believe also in the United States of America, in the promise that it

contains

and has contained throughout our history of producing a society so

abundant and

creative and so free and responsible that it cannot only fulfill the
aspirations of its citizens, but serve equally well as a beacon for

mankind. I do not believe in a superstate. I see no magic in tax

which

are sent to Washington and then returned. I abhor the waste and

incompetence of

large-scale federal bureaucracies in this administration as well as in

others.

I do not favor state compulsion when voluntary individual effort can

the job

and do it well. But I believe in a government which acts, which

exercises

its

full powers and full responsibilities. Government is an art and a

precious

obligation; and when it has a job to do, I believe it should do it.

this

requires not only great ends but that we propose concrete means of

achieving

them.

Our responsibility is not discharged by announcement of virtuous ends.

Our

responsibility is to achieve these objectives with social invention,

with

political skill, and executive vigor. I believe for these reasons that
liberalism is our best and only hope in the world today. For the

society is a free society, and it is at the same time and for that

reason

a

strong society. Its strength is drawn from the will of free people

committed to

great ends and peacefully striving to meet them. Only liberalism, in

short, can

repair our national power, restore our national purpose, and liberate

our

national energies. And the only basic issue in the 1960 campaign is

whethe

r our

government will fall in a conservative rut and die there, or whether

will

move ahead in the liberal spirit of daring, of breaking new ground, of

doing in

our generation what Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry

Truman

and

Adlai Stevenson did in their time of influence and responsibility.

Our liberalism has its roots in our diverse origins. Most of us are

descended

from that segment of the American population which was once called an

immigrant

minority. Today, along with our children and grandchildren, we do not

feel

minor. We feel proud of our origins and we are not second to any group

in

our

sense of national purpose. For many years New York represented the new

frontier

to all those who came from the ends of the earth to find new

and

new freedom, generations of men and women who fled from the despotism

the

czars, the horrors of the Nazis, the tyranny of hunger, who came here

the

new frontier in the State of New York. These men and women, a living

cross

section of American history, indeed, a cross section of the entire

world's

history of pain and hope, made of this city not only a new world of
opportunity, but a new world of the spirit as well.

Tonight we salute Governor and Senator Herbert Lehman as a symbol of

that

spirit, and as a reminder that the fight for full constitutional

for all

Americans is a fight that must be carried on in 1961.

Many of these same immigrant families produced the pioneers and

of the

American labor movement. They are the men who sweated in our shops,

struggled to create a union, and who were driven by longing for

education

for

their children and for the children's development. They went to night

schools;

they built their own future, their union's future, and their country's

future,

brick by brick, block by block, neighborhood by neighborhood, and now

their

children's time, suburb by suburb.

Tonight we salute George Meany as a symbol of that struggle and as a

reminder

that the fight to eliminate poverty and human exploitation is a fight

that

goes

on in our day. But in 1960 the cause of liberalism cannot content

with

carrying on the fight for human justice and economic liberalism here

home.

For here and around the world the fear of war hangs over us every

morning

and

every night. It lies, expressed or silent, in the minds of every

American.

We

cannot banish it by repeating that we are economically first or that

are

militarily first, for saying so doesn't make it so. More will be

than

goodwill missions or talking back to Soviet politicians or increasing

the

tempo

of the arms race. More will be needed than good intentions, for we

where

that paving leads.

In Winston Churchill's words, "We cannot escape our dangers by

from

them. We dare not pretend such dangers do not exist."

And tonight we salute Adlai Stevenson as an eloquent spokesman for the

effort to

achieve an intelligent foreign policy. Our opponents would like the

people

to

believe that in a time of danger it would be hazardous to change the
administration that has brought us to this time of danger. I think it

would be

hazardous not to change. I think it would be hazardous to continue

more

years of stagnation and indifference here at home and abroad, of

starving

the

underpinnings of our national power, including not only our defense

our

image abroad as a friend.

This is an important election -- in many ways as important as any this

century

-- and I think that the Democratic Party and the Liberal Party here in

New

York, and those who believe in progress all over the United States,

should

be

associated with us in this great effort. The reason that Woodrow

and

Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and Adlai Stevenson had influence

abroad,

and the United States in their time had it, was because they moved

country

here at home, because they stood for something here in the United

States,

for

expanding the benefits of our society to our own people, and the

around

the world looked to us as a symbol of hope.

I think it is our task to re-create the same atmosphere in our own

Our

national elections have often proved to be the turning point in the

course

of

our country. I am proposing that 1960 be another turning point in the

history

of the great Republic.

Some pundits are saying it's 1928 all over again. I say it's 1932 all

over

again. I say this is the great opportunity that we will have in our

to

move our people and this country and the people of the free world

the

new frontiers of the 1960s.

John F. Kennedy
September 14, 1960

"Liberty1st" <liberty1st_@email.com> schrieb im Newsbeitrag
news:pO6dnQ_YgONgY73cRVn-tQ@comcast.com...

Sadly, liberal is a term that is being used incorrectly. The Democrats

and

left wing of our country that make up the Democrat party are not

progressive

or liberal. What they are is Marxist and leftist.

This is what I like about Republicans: they are so much lost in their own
rightist world that they are convinced that everything left of
them -practically the whole world!- is marxist...
Boy, listening to you only, one would be tempted to believe that Hitler

center-right...

"AWOL Coward GW Chimpzilla" <patriot-for-cash@hotmail.com> wrote in

message

news:N_6Uc.166922$eM2.137819@attbi_s51...

What do our opponents mean when they apply to us the label "Liberal?"

by

"Liberal" they mean, as they want people to believe, someone who is

in his

policies abroad, who is against local government, and who is

with

the taxpayer's dollar, then the record of this party and its members
demonstrate that we are not that kind of "Liberal." But if by a

"Liberal"

they

mean someone who looks ahead and not behind, someone who welcomes new

ideas

without rigid reactions, someone who cares about the welfare of the

people --

their health, their housing, their schools, their jobs, their civil

rights, and

their civil liberties -- someone who believes we can break through the
stalemate and suspicions that grip us in our policies abroad, if that

what

they mean by a "Liberal," then I'm proud to say I'm a "Liberal."

But first, I would like to say what I understand the word "Liberal" to

mean and

explain in the process why I consider myself to be a "Liberal," and

it

means in the presidential election of 1960.

In short, having set forth my view -- I hope for all time -- two

ago in

Houston, on the proper relationship between church and state, I want

take

the opportunity to set forth my views on the proper relationship

the

state and the citizen. This is my political credo:

I believe in human dignity as the source of national purpose, in human

liberty

as the source of national action, in the human heart as the source of

national

compassion, and in the human mind as the source of our invention and

ideas.

It is, I believe, the faith in our fellow citizens as individuals and

people

that lies at the heart of the liberal faith. For liberalism is not so

much

a

party creed or set of fixed platform promises as it is an attitude of

mind

and

heart, a faith in man's ability through the experiences of his reason

and

judgment to increase for himself and his fellow men the amount of

justice

and

freedom and brotherhood which all human life deserves.

I believe also in the United States of America, in the promise that it

contains

and has contained throughout our history of producing a society so

abundant and

creative and so free and responsible that it cannot only fulfill the
aspirations of its citizens, but serve equally well as a beacon for

mankind. I do not believe in a superstate. I see no magic in tax

which

are sent to Washington and then returned. I abhor the waste and

incompetence of

large-scale federal bureaucracies in this administration as well as in

others.

I do not favor state compulsion when voluntary individual effort can

the job

and do it well. But I believe in a government which acts, which

exercises

its

full powers and full responsibilities. Government is an art and a

precious

obligation; and when it has a job to do, I believe it should do it.

this

requires not only great ends but that we propose concrete means of

achieving

them.

Our responsibility is not discharged by announcement of virtuous ends.

Our

responsibility is to achieve these objectives with social invention,

with

political skill, and executive vigor. I believe for these reasons that
liberalism is our best and only hope in the world today. For the

society is a free society, and it is at the same time and for that

reason

a

strong society. Its strength is drawn from the will of free people

committed to

great ends and peacefully striving to meet them. Only liberalism, in

short, can

repair our national power, restore our national purpose, and liberate

our

national energies. And the only basic issue in the 1960 campaign is

whethe

r our

government will fall in a conservative rut and die there, or whether

will

move ahead in the liberal spirit of daring, of breaking new ground, of

doing in

our generation what Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt and Harry

Truman

and

Adlai Stevenson did in their time of influence and responsibility.

Our liberalism has its roots in our diverse origins. Most of us are

descended

from that segment of the American population which was once called an

immigrant

minority. Today, along with our children and grandchildren, we do not

feel

minor. We feel proud of our origins and we are not second to any group

in

our

sense of national purpose. For many years New York represented the new

frontier

to all those who came from the ends of the earth to find new

and

new freedom, generations of men and women who fled from the despotism

the

czars, the horrors of the Nazis, the tyranny of hunger, who came here

the

new frontier in the State of New York. These men and women, a living

cross

section of American history, indeed, a cross section of the entire

world's

history of pain and hope, made of this city not only a new world of
opportunity, but a new world of the spirit as well.

Tonight we salute Governor and Senator Herbert Lehman as a symbol of

that

spirit, and as a reminder that the fight for full constitutional

for all

Americans is a fight that must be carried on in 1961.

Many of these same immigrant families produced the pioneers and

of the

American labor movement. They are the men who sweated in our shops,

struggled to create a union, and who were driven by longing for

education

for

their children and for the children's development. They went to night

schools;

they built their own future, their union's future, and their country's

future,

brick by brick, block by block, neighborhood by neighborhood, and now

their

children's time, suburb by suburb.

Tonight we salute George Meany as a symbol of that struggle and as a

reminder

that the fight to eliminate poverty and human exploitation is a fight

that

goes

on in our day. But in 1960 the cause of liberalism cannot content

with

carrying on the fight for human justice and economic liberalism here

home.

For here and around the world the fear of war hangs over us every

morning

and

every night. It lies, expressed or silent, in the minds of every

American.

We

cannot banish it by repeating that we are economically first or that

are

militarily first, for saying so doesn't make it so. More will be

than

goodwill missions or talking back to Soviet politicians or increasing

the

tempo

of the arms race. More will be needed than good intentions, for we

where

that paving leads.

In Winston Churchill's words, "We cannot escape our dangers by

from

them. We dare not pretend such dangers do not exist."

And tonight we salute Adlai Stevenson as an eloquent spokesman for the

effort to

achieve an intelligent foreign policy. Our opponents would like the

people

to

believe that in a time of danger it would be hazardous to change the
administration that has brought us to this time of danger. I think it

would be

hazardous not to change. I think it would be hazardous to continue

more

years of stagnation and indifference here at home and abroad, of

starving

the

underpinnings of our national power, including not only our defense

our

image abroad as a friend.

This is an important election -- in many ways as important as any this

century

-- and I think that the Democratic Party and the Liberal Party here in

New

York, and those who believe in progress all over the United States,

should

be

associated with us in this great effort. The reason that Woodrow

and

Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and Adlai Stevenson had influence

abroad,

and the United States in their time had it, was because they moved

country

here at home, because they stood for something here in the United

States,

for

expanding the benefits of our society to our own people, and the

around

the world looked to us as a symbol of hope.

I think it is our task to re-create the same atmosphere in our own

Our

national elections have often proved to be the turning point in the

course

of

our country. I am proposing that 1960 be another turning point in the

history

of the great Republic.

Some pundits are saying it's 1928 all over again. I say it's 1932 all

over

again. I say this is the great opportunity that we will have in our

to

move our people and this country and the people of the free world

the

new frontiers of the 1960s.

John F. Kennedy
September 14, 1960